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Rh him chief of the military division of Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and Tamaulipas and later Minister of War in his provisional Cabinet. In this position he organized Madero's army. After the triumph of the revolution he returned to Coahuila and as- sumed the governorship, to which he was regularly elected in May IQII. After the coup of General Huerta, Feb. 18 1913, and the murder of Madero, to whom he was attached, Carranza issued the Plan de Guadalupe in March, disavowing Huerta as president. He then became First Chief of the Constitutionalist army and personally visited all northern Mexico to organize the opposition, establishing his government at Hermosillo, Sonora, whence he moved southward until he entered Mexico City Aug. 20 1914, after Huerta had fled. He was opposed by Francisco Villa and Emiliano Zapata after the split of the Constitutional- ists, and withdrew to Vera Cruz, which he occupied when the American occupation terminated. On Oct. 9 1915, he was recog- nized as head of the de facto Government by the United States and seven Pan-American powers. On Sept. 30 1916 he decreed the abolition of the vice-presidency and the limitation of the presidential term to four years instead of six. He was elected to the presidency March n 1917, under the constitution pro- mulgated under his sanction on Feb. 5. Under this radical body of fundamental law he issued a series of decrees for the nationali- zation of petroleum lands, which kept his Government contin- ually in strained relations with England, France and the United States. As the time approached in 1920 for the election of his successor, he attempted to force the election of Ignacio Bonillas, a civilian candidate. This led to an attempt to control the state government of Sonora, a stronghold of Alvaro Obregon, who was the strongest and most popular aspirant for the presidency, but who was inimical to Carranza's politics. The state revolted in March 1920, being immediately followed by the country at large. Carranza attempted to move his Government to Vera Cruz on May 7. His flight was interrupted and he himself was killed as he was fleeing the country, on the night of May 18, at Tlaxcalantongo, Puebla.

CARREL, ALEXIS (1873- ), Franco-American surgeon, was born at Sainte-Foy-les-Lyon, France, June 28 1873. He graduated at the university of Lyons (L.B., 1890; Sc.B., 1891; M.D., 1900), and for two years was prosecteur A la faculte de medecine at that university. In 1909 he became a member of the Rocke- feller Institute for Medical Research in New York. There he won world-wide fame by his experiments in transplanting human organs. In 1912 he read before the American Medical Associa- tion a paper on Preservation of Tissues and its Application to Surgery. The possibility of keeping alive tissues removed from the organism led to his seeking practical means of preserving them for surgical use. He was awarded a Nobel prize in 1912 for his contributions to surgical knowledge. On the outbreak of the World War he returned to France and devised the Carrel- Dakin treatment of wounds. Using H. D. Dakin's preparation, a neutral solution of hypochlorite of sodium, Carrel's apparatus keeps the wound continually moist. Countless amputations were avoided, healing was rapid, and scars supple. In 1919 he resumed his work at the Rockefeller Institute.

CARSON, EDWARD HENRY CARSON, BARON (1854- ), British statesman and lawyer, son of Edward Henry Carson, C.E., Dublin, was born Feb. 9 1854 and educated at Portarlington school and afterwards at Trinity College, Dublin. He was called to the Irish bar, and made his reputation as Crown Prosecutor in Dublin in the difficult years when Mr. Balfour was Chief Secretary for Ireland. His pluck, readiness, wit, and skill in cross-examination soon brought him to the front both in legal and in political circles. He became a Q.C. at the Irish bar in 1889; but his ambitions could not be satisfied with legal eminence in Dublin. He was called to the English bar, and took silk there in 1894. Meanwhile he had been returned to Parliament in 1892 in the Unionist interest as member for his own university of Dublin and was for a few months Solicitor-General for Ireland. He entered Parliament just when Gladstone was about to make a second effort to pass a Home Rule bill, and he helped the Union- ist leaders to defeat the measure. But during the next 20 years he was mainly occupied with his professional work. Having risen to a leading place at the bar in Ireland, he achieved an even more striking success at the English bar; and in 1900 he was appointed Solicitor-General, a post which he held until the change of govern- ment in 1905-6. In the early years of the new century he grad- ually came to be regarded as the spokesman in the House of Commons of the Irish Unionists, and in that capacity welcomed Mr. Birrell’s University bill of 1908.

It was not until 1911, when another Home Rule bill was im- minent, that Sir Edward Carson emerged as a political figure of first-class importance. He bitterly resisted the Parliament bill, which was to curtail the power of the Lords and enable a measure of Home Rule to be passed over their heads and without a direct appeal to the people. He was one of the " Die-hards " who urged the peers to take the responsibility of throwing out the bill in spite of the ministerial threat to swamp their House with sufficient new creations to make its passage secure. He told the House of Commons that the passing of Home Rule by force would be resisted by force and that the resisters would be constitutionally right. Feeling against the bill was most bitter in Ulster, which, Protestant and loyal, would be placed by it at the mercy of the Roman Catholic and largely disloyal majority of the other three provinces. He went to Ulster in the autumn, and at an enormous Unionist demonstration at Graigavon, near Belfast, endorsed the threats of rebellion against Home Rule which previous speakers made. Belfast, he said, was the key of the situation ; Ulster would never submit to a Parliament in Dublin. They must be prepared, if necessary, to take over the administration of those districts which they were entitled to control. Practical measures were immediately undertaken in this direction, though Liberals and Nationalists scoffed. His position was that he and his Ulster friends were loyal to the constitution as it existed; they were only rebels, he said, in the sense that they desired to remain under the King and the imperial Parliament. In anticipation of the introduction of the Home Rule bill in the spring of 1912, he presided over a gigantic gathering in Belfast in Easter week, which Mr. Bonar Law, the newly appointed Unionist leader, came to address; and he made those present repeat after him, " We will never, in any circumstances, submit to Home Rule." He himself, in a speech instinct with passion, moved the rejection of the bill on its introduction, and took a leading part in opposi- tion during its subsequent stages. But his activity was mainly outside. He made frequent speeches in the next couple of years in different parts of England and Scotland, particularly at a great demonstration at Blenheim in July 1912, at which Mr. Bonar Law pledged the support of the Unionist party to Ulster. But his principal work was in the organization of resistance in Ulster itself, including the formation of a local volunteer force, which speedily assumed large proportions. In Sept. 1912 he was the chief figure at a series of demonstrations in all parts of the province, culminating in an enormous assemblage at Belfast on Sept. 28. There he took the lead in signing a solemn covenant by which the men of Ulster bound themselves to stand by one another in defending their position of equal citizenship in the United Kingdom, and in using all necessary means to defeat the conspiracy to set up Home Rule, and further pledged themselves to refuse to recognize a Home Rule parliament. He followed this up by moving unsuccessfully in Parliament on New Year's day 1913, to exclude Ulster from the operation of the bill. In the autumn of 1913 the Ulster Unionist Council organized itself, under his supervision, into a provisional Government, of which he was the leading member, and a guarantee fund of 1,000,000 was initiated to which he himself contributed 10,000. He reviewed the volunteers, who were rapidly becoming a formidable military force approaching in number 100,000 men. But when ministers, who had refused to prosecute him or interfere with his activities, began to realize the determination of the six north-eastern Protestant counties, he did not repulse their overtures for a settlement by consent, but said that it must not establish a basis for separation. His advice during the following winter to his Ulster friends was " peace but preparation." He entirely declined to accept Mr. Asquith's offer, in the spring