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 King Leopold realized that if his country was to remain economically powerful her army must be strengthened, and to effect this was his constant preoccupation; but the Catholic party in power since 1884 always frustrated his efforts, and up to the time of his death Belgium still preserved her system of recruiting by drawing lots, conscripts who had been drawn having the right to get themselves replaced by substitutes at the cost of a fine of 1,6oo francs. This system of substitution was abolished by the Chamber in 1909, and the King on his death-bed signed the law enforcing personal service.

Leopold II. had expressed a desire to be buried with the utmost simplicity, in the early morning, and without official ceremonies. The Government did not think fit to conform to these wishes, however, and arranged an imposing funeral. He was succeeded by his nephew and nearest male heir, Prince Albert, whose consort, Elizabeth, had been born a duchess of Bavaria.

I., 1910-4.—By Belgian constitutional law the heir-presumptive to the throne does not become king until he has taken the oath. Leopold II.'s death consequently entailed a temporary regency which, in accordance with Belgian law, was exercised by a Conseil de Rėgence composed of members of the Government : T. Schollaert, L. de Lautsheere, J. Davignon, J. Liebaert, Baron Descamps, A. Hubert, A. Delbeke, G. Hellepette, J. Hellebrut, J. Renkin. On Dec. 23, in presence of the Chambers and of delegations from the constituent bodies of the country, King Albert I. of Belgium took the oath of allegiance to the Belgian Constitution. The new King had already shown his intention to carry on his uncle's work, having, while still heir-presumptive, made a journey to the Congo for purposes of investigation. But alongside that keen interest in colonial, economic, and. military problems in which he resembled Leopold II., he also from the first showed anxiety for his kingdom's intellectual development and social organization.

Belgium had indeed advanced considerably during the reign of Leopold II. She had not only achieved a high degree of prosperity, but had also undergone an intellectual renascence, giving birth during the second half of the century to a school of writers, painters, and men of science worthy of comparison with those of the neighbouring countries. Furthermore, the development of trade, with its increase in the numbers of industrial workers in 1910 they numbered 1,270,484—raised social problems with increasing urgency. Belgian trade had found immense markets, thanks in part to the cheapness of its products due to low wages. The growing strength of the trade unions enabled the workers to claim an improvement in their material conditions, and Belgium began to find herself confronted by the difficulty of entering on the path of social reform without compromising her economic stability. Political struggles of peculiar intensity were rendering the situation still more delicate. In Belgium social and economic claims are always mixed up with purely political questions. Social and professional organizations are at the same time political groups, and their action makes itself as much felt in political affairs as in the economic sphere. In 1907 the trade-union movement was divided as follows:—

The socialist unions first tested their strength in the campaign opened by the Socialist party in 1912 for universal suffrage “pure and simple.” This campaign coincided with the violent struggle on the education question which began just then between the parties of the Left—Liberals and Socialists—and the Catholic party. The Catholics, who commanded a majority in the Chamber, introduced a bill to put the voluntary schools and the State schools on an absolutely equal footing. Education in Belgium, especially primary education, is largely in the hands of the religious denominations. Their schools, recognized and subsidized by the State, were in many communes the only teaching institutions. It was to these denominational schools that the Government proposed to accord the same treatment as that given by the State to its own official schools.

The proposal raised a storm of adverse opinion throughout the country. A monster demonstration organized by the Socialist and Liberal parties took place at Brussels. The Liberal party, rallying to the principle of universal suffrage at 25 years of age and the single vote, formed a bloc with the Labour party in order to oppose the Right, and they issued joint lists of candidates in most of the towns. The Catholic party, nevertheless, proved successful in the elections of 1912, preserving a majority in the Chamber.

These elections, maintaining in power a party that had governed uninterruptedly for 28 years, had grave consequences. The Catholic party was strongest in the rural districts and in the small Flemish towns. The Walloon districts, more industrial in character, returned a large majority of Liberals and Socialists. On the morrow of the Catholic victory violence of party feeling, much exasperated by the new Education Act, led to an outburst of rage and indignation in the more politically advanced parts of the country. In certain Walloon circles there arose the idea of the administrative separation of Flanders from Wallonia. Flanders should remain Catholic; the Walloon country should be free to have the advanced (Left) Government it desired.

This movement, combining with that concerned with the language question, threatened serious results. “Flamingantisme,” which originated in democratic aspirations, seeking to bring together in Flanders the common people, Flemish of speech, and the French-speaking bourgeoisie, had little by little—obsessed by its dominant idea and by a sort of regionalistic mysticism—turned towards reaction. The language question had been dealt with by various laws—that of 1878 regarding the use of the languages by public authorities; that of 1898 about the publication of laws; that of 1910 on free secondary education; and by the laws of 1913, on the use of the languages in the army, and of 1914, on primary education, which were designed to complete the legal equality of the Flemish language with the French. Yet in the hearts of a minority, a desire was shaping itself to expel the French language from Flanders.

In 1913 a bill was introduced in the Chamber proposing the division of the army into Walloon and Flemish units, but was defeated by an immense majority. This did not deter three deputies—a Catholic, a Liberal, and a Socialist—from proposing to the Chamber in 1914 the Flamandization of the university of Ghent, in which French was the official language.

The Government did not perceive that by pursuing a course of purely party politics they were stimulating the growth of this separatist movement, and despite the protests of the Left they once more brought before the Chamber their Education bill, which they had temporarily abandoned. To counter this, and to force upon the Chamber the adoption of the universal suffrage “pure and simple” which they demanded, in April 1913 the Socialist party organized a general strike, which spread over the whole country, involving many hundred thousands of workers. The Government would not yield, however, and their Education Act became law. If in this the Catholic party had gained an undeniable victory, it had been at the price of adopting compulsory education, which for many years past had been advocated by the Liberals. It was now enforced by the laws of May 19 and June 15 1914.

Educational System.—School attendance is obligatory from 6 to 14 years of age. The juge de paix has to admonish recalcitrant parents; and if they persist in neglect of their duty, they are first officially warned before the final steps are taken of the infliction of a fine and the posting of their names in their commune. By the law of May 19 1914 each commune must possess an official school. One or more voluntary schools, if such exist in the district, may be “adopted”; but if this is done a communal school must still be provided, supposing it is demanded by a sufficient number of the inhabitants to ensure it an effective minimum attendance of 20 children. In all schools, whether official or adopted, the teachers must be Belgian and diplomés. The State inspects both communal and adopted schools, and they receive grants from the central authorities of province and commune. Education is free, and the necessary books and appliances are provided free for poor families. The syllabus of primary schools includes religion (but fathers can claim their children's exemption from religious instruction), moral teaching, reading, writing, arithmetic, weights and measures, the language used by the majority of the local population, geography, history of Belgium,