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330 incurring the open enmity of Russia by an energetic intervention on behalf of the Sultan, held the Vienna Government back and disposed it, as early as the end of Oct. 1912, to modify its demands. Albania was to be allowed to develop freely; Serbian aspirations towards the Adriatic were to be rejected, and Rumania's claims to an extension of territory to be considered. Berchtold demanded no more than security for Austro-Hungarian economic interests in the Balkans. On this account he refused in the most decided terms to consent to the proposal of the French Government that Austria-Hungary, like all the other Great Powers, should express her desinteresscment in the events taking place in the Balkan peninsula.

In so far as his plans concerned Albania and Serbia, Berchtold found Italian politicians in favour of them, since they saw in the Renewal s P rea l f the Slav peoples to the Adriatic a danger to of the Italy, to oppose which in good time seemed to them Triple more important than any further check to the in-

fluence of the Habsburg Monarchy, divided as this was against itself. The common danger brought about a rap- prochement between the two Cabinets, which was considerably strengthened by Italy's annoyance at the attitude of France at the time of the Libyan War. Thus it happened that as far back as Dec. 5 1912, in spite of violent opposition on the part of the nationalist deputies, of the more important section of the press, and of Italian public opinion, the Triple Alliance was renewed once more for another six to twelve years, the period being reckoned from 1914 onwards.

But the moderation displayed by Austria-Hungary in her Balkan policy did not. produce the effect which had been hoped for at the Ballplatz. It weakened rather her credit Russia i n the Balkans, disappointed the few partisans she had there, and encouraged the hopes of her many opponents. Paying no attention to Berchtold's declarations, the Serbs continued their efforts to extend their power to the Adriatic. On Nov. 10 1912 Serbian troops reached Alessio. At the same time Serbian politicians laboured to incite the other Balkan peoples against Austria-Hungary, since it was only at her expense they could hope to find compensation for the concessions which they had made in the March treaty with Bulgaria. In St. Petersburg, too, they left no stone unturned to create opinion against Austria-Hungary. And, in fact, in Nov. 1912 the Russian Cabinet declared itself in favour of the cession of an Adriatic port to Serbia, and was supported in this by France and England. The Russian trial mobilization increased the dan- ger of a bloody collision. The Vienna Government on its side proceeded to prepare for war. The fact that Conrad von Hotzendorff was again entrusted with the position of chief of the general staff, which he had had to give up a year before because he had spoken in favour of an active military policy, showed that the war party had increased its influence at the Court of Vienna.

But the disinclination of the three emperors to conjure up a world war for the sake of Albania or Serbia, together with the influence of Great Britain, proved stronger than the urgency of the war parties either in Vienna or St. Petersburg. In opposi- tion to Austria-Hungary, Bethmann Hollweg, the German imperial chancellor, and Kiderlen-Wachter, the German foreign minister, energetically upheld the point of view that a com- promise with Russia was both desirable and possible. And in a like sense William II., when the Archduke Francis Ferdinand tried to convince him at Springe (Nov. 23 1912) of the necessity of an energetic course of action against the demands of the Serbs, insisted that, while he was in favour of using firm language, he was anxious to see all steps avoided which might lead to a rupture with Russia. In order that no doubt should arise as to the policy of the German Empire, Bethmann Hollweg, in announcing in the German Reichstag (at the beginning of Dec. 1912) the successful renewal of the Triple Alliance, added the remark that Germany must leave" it to her Austrian ally to realize her aspirations alone, and would only join in a conflict in the case of a war of aggression against her, for the preservation of her own position in Europe and the defence of her own future and security.

Under the impression of these declarations Berchtold at the end of 1912 rejected Conrad's propositions, which aimed at the occupation of the Sanjak of Novibazar and ridding confer- Albania of Serbian troops, and he sought rather to ences la serve the interests of the monarchy by diplomacy. London. In this connexion it stood him in good stead that a change had meanwhile come over affairs at the Court of St. Petersburg, not uninfluenced by external factors, and especially by England. The peace party had gained the upper hand. As late as Nov. 1912 the Russian Government made a communication at Belgrade to the effect that it would offer no active opposition to the formation of an autonomous Albania, and requesting an attitude of reserve towards Austria-Hungary on the part of the Serbian Cabinet. Shortly afterwards, on the suggestion of Sir Edward Grey, a conference of ' ambassadors in London was decided upon, to take place at the same time as the peace negotiations which were being carried on there between Turkey and her opponents, with a view to finding a solution of the outstanding questions at issue between Russia and Austria-Hungary. After long hesita- tion Berchtold, under pressure from Germany and Italy, con- sented to the conference of ambassadors, but insisted that as a matter of principle Austria-Hungary should take no part in any discussion of the question as to whether Serbia should be per- manently established on the Adriatic. Serbia thereupon declared her willingness to yield to the decision of the Great Powers. Yet the Austro-Hungarian and Russian troops remained under arms, and Serbian intrigues still went on. The negotiations of the London conference of ambassadors proceeded slowly. When the peace conference, which was sitting at the same time, came temporarily to an end on Jan. 7 1913, owing to Turkey's refusal of the demand of the Balkan States that she should cede the three fortresses of Adrianople, Scutari and Janina, which had not yet fallen, the conference of ambassadors presided over by Sir Ed- ward Grey made efforts to prevent a resumption of hostilities; but these attempts were unsuccessful. On Feb. 3 1913 began the second Balkan War.

Meanwhile the deliberations dragged on in London as to the frontier of the new Albanian state which was to be set up. Russia in this matter presented the views of Serbia. and Montenegro, but met with resolute opposition Russian not only from the representatives of Austria-Hungary War but also from those of Italy. And it looked at last as Averted - if it would come to an armed conflict between Austria-Hungary and Russia. But at the last moment the danger was averted. Prince Gottfried zu Hohenlohe was sent on a special mission to St. Petersburg and succeeded in convincing Nicholas II. of Francis Joseph's pacific intentions. The negotiations now opened led in March to the cancelling of the mobilization on the frontiers which had been set on foot by both Powers. At the same time the Russian representative at the London conference of ambassadors announced his sovereign's readiness to consent to the allotment of Scutari to Albania in the event of Austria- Hungary's acceding to the separation of Diakova, Ipek (Pec) and Prisren from Albania. On March 20 the representative of Austria-Hungary handed in a declaration in the same sense.

By now the war between the Balkan States and Turkey had taken its course, leading, in spite of the unexpectedly gallant defence of the Turks, to the fall of Janina (March 6) and Adrianople (March 26). On account of the Second wrangling which broke out between Bulgaria on the war. one hand, and Serbia and Greece on the other, as to the partition of Macedonia, on April 16 1913 Ferdinand ol Bulgaria concluded an armistice with Turkey. But there was no sign of the peace which was desired on all sides. Serbia, in defiance of the protests of the Vienna Cabinet, continued to occupy Northern Albania with Durazzo, and Montenegro continued to besiege Scutari, although the London conference of ambassadors had assigned it to the Albanian state; and the Great Powers decided on a naval demonstration against Monte- negro, which was not, however, intended seriously by all the participants. The war party at Vienna, led by Conrad, wished to force the Montenegrins to raise the siege, if necessary by arms,