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Sultan Hussein died Oct. 9 1917. The removal from the scene of a ruler remarkable for his character, public spirit and thorough knowledge of his own country was a misfortune for Egypt. Certain modifications in the Ministry, in which it was proposed to include Sa'd Zaghlul Pasha, were considered after the acces- sion of the new Sultan. But eventually only one resignation took place, Fathi Pasha, Minister of Waqfs, being replaced by Ziwar Pasha, the Governor of Cairo. But the discussions engaged in made it clear that the Prime Minister intended on the conclu- sion of peace to raise the question of autonomy and the regu- lation of Egypt's relations with Great Britain by convention.

After-war Plans. As the World War drew to a close the prin- ciples formulated by the President of the United States, to which Great Britain and her Allies subscribed, had a far-reaching and even a decisive effect on educated opinion in Egypt. The numer- ous declarations of British statesmen, disclaiming any inten- tion of permanently occupying the country, were insistently recalled, and the aspirations of the Egyptians to govern them- selves were represented as having received international sanction through the acceptance of the principle of self-determination. Such sentiments were by no means confined to the discontented and the ambitious, who in the furtherance of their political aims would even have welcomed a German victory. Moderate opin- ion also adopted the view that the attitude of Egypt during the war and the sacrifices made by her people justified a claim for special consideration and that the time had come to reconsider the relations between their country and Great Britain. When in Nov. 1918 an Anglo-French declaration was published an- nouncing that the policy of the Allies in the East contemplated the complete enfranchisement of the peoples so long oppressed by Turkish rule and the " institution of national Governments and administrations deriving their authority from the initiative and free choice of the local populations," Egyptians felt their title to manage their own affairs to be as good as that of Syria and Mesopotamia. They, moreover, regarded their own coun- try with its progressive organization and western methods as far ahead in development of Arabia, where an independent king- dom had already been established. At the moment when con- crete expression was being given to these sentiments certain other factors combined to excite public opinion. Early in 1918 a commission had been appointed under the presidency of the Prime Minister to consider the future organization of the Legis- lative Assembly in Egypt. Sir W. Brunyate, the Judicial Adviser, who during the long illness and after the death of Lord Edward Cecil also acted as Financial Adviser, was requested by the commission to prepare a basis for discussion and to con- sider the question of the participation in legislation of the foreign colonies, in view of an eventual abolition of the Capitu- lations. Another commission had already for some months been discussing the judicial reforms which such a measure would entail, and an impression which gained ground that in any new courts replacing the mixed tribunals the English language and legal procedure would predominate had confirmed the hostility of the legal profession in Egypt. The memorandum regarding the Legislative Assembly was submitted to the Prime Minister in Nov. 1918. Though only intended as a basis for confidential discussion its contents became known and were regarded as having the approval of H.M. Government. The project was interpreted as restricting the Assembly to consultative func- tions while all legislative power was to be vested in a Senate, in which the members officially appointed with a group of elected foreigners would constitute a majority. Its divulgation roused a storm of indignant protest.

Aspirations for Autonomy. A Nationalist committee was formed at the end of 1918, under the chairmanship of Zaghlul Pasha, who now definitely became the leader of the party. On Nov. 13 he paid a visit to the High Commissioner and expressed the desire to go to London to put forward a pro- gramme of complete autonomy, a proposal which was rejected as calculated to serve no good object. At the same time the Prime Minister, with the approval of the Sultan, proposed that be should himseif proceed to London with the Minister of

Education, Adli Pasha Yeghen, to discuss the affairs of Egypt, urging that, as the Peace Conference would give official sanc- tion to the protectorate, its nature could not be left indetermi- nate. Sir R. Wingate appealed for their reception with some insistence. But as the Foreign Secretary and other Ministers were shortly leaving for the Peace Conference and would be unable to devote sufficient time and attention to the prob- lem of Egyptian internal reform, they were invited to defer their visit which would not at that moment be opportune. The real urgency of the issue and the danger involved in post- poning its consideration appear still not to have been fully appreciated. Rushdi Pasha together with Adli Pasha then tendered their resignations. Every effort was made to induce the two ministers to remain in office and an approximate date was eventually suggested for the visit. But the ministerial crisis was still unsolved when in the middle of Jan. Sir R. Win- gate was summoned to London to report personally on Egyptian affairs. He pressed for the immediate reception of the min- isters and the withdrawal of restrictions on the movement of Nationalist leaders. The contentions of the Nationalists, to whom many of the moderates had rallied, were now receiving so much general support in the country that the ministers were only disposed to repair to London provided similar facilities were accorded to Zaghlul and his colleagues. As the latter were now openly engaged in a campaign aiming at the severance of all connexion "between Egypt and Great Britain, their recep- tion by the Foreign Office could not be entertained. On the other hand the invitation to the ministers was renewed. Rushdi Pasha, however, adhered to his resignation, which was accepted.

Meanwhile documents addressed to the foreign representa- tives and residents in Egypt announced that a delegation of 12 members, under the presidency of Sa'd Zaghlul, had been formed to lay before other countries the legitimate aspirations of Egypt. On March 3 this delegation forwarded to the Sul- tan, who had declined to receive them, a petition which, though drafted with all the forms of oriental courtesy, maintained the nullity of the protectorate and was clearly designed to intimi- date His Highness and to prevent the formation of a new Gov- ernment. Vigorous action was therefore taken without delay. On March 8 Zaghlul Pasha and three of his principal adherents were arrested and deported the following day to Malta.

Disturbances in 1918-9. The immediate effects of this asser- tion of authority revealed the gravity of the internal situation. Anti-British demonstrations by the students in Cairo rendered military intervention necessary. On March 12 there were serious disturbances at Tanta and during the following days similar outbreaks occurred in the Delta provinces, characterized by looting and attacks on British soldiers and civilians. Railway lines were simultaneously torn up in different places, in accord- ance, it would appear, with a plan originally prepared for a rising had the Turkish attempt to cross the Canal proved suc- cessful. On the i6th Cairo was isolated by the severance of railway and telegraphic communication both with the Delta and with Upper Egypt, where foreign colonies were besieged in the quarter where they had taken refuge. On the i8th the fanaticism roused by the reports of unscrupulous agitators led to the brutal murder and mutilation at Deirut station of a Brit- ish inspector of prisons, two officers and five of other ranks. Mobile columns had been dispatched with all possible expedi- tion to the disturbed areas and by March 26 the main lines of communication were reestablished, the danger points were in military occupation and the situation well in hand. But it required the employment of considerable forces and stern methods of repression to restore order and prevent further bloodshed. The leaders had probably never contemplated such a serious upheaval and were alarmed at a situation which had passed beyond their control. But the Nationalist committee, which continued to sit after the deportation of Zaghlul Pasha, cannot escape responsibility for the effects of their propaganda. During these and subsequent manifestations the Egyptian police in the great cities carried out their duties in an exemplary man- ner. The army, with the exception of a few units, was in the