Page:EB1911 - Volume 25.djvu/161

 in ᵘ corresponds to the strong one in ō, and feminine weak forms in ᵃ and ᵉ to a strong one in i. In Lahnda weak forms have dropped the final short vowel, and the strong forms end in ā (masc.) and ī (fem.).

As explained in the articles above referred to, almost the only old case that has survived throughout the declension of both languages is the general oblique. This is used for any oblique case, the particular case required being as a rule further defined by the help of a postposition. The general oblique case, without any defining postposition, is specially employed for the case of the agent. There are also examples of the survival of the old locative and of the old ablative. Thus S. mathᵘ, top, loc. mathᵉ, on the top; L. Ambī, at Amb; L. vēlā, time, rōṭī-dē vēlē, at the time of food; L. jangil, for jangali, in the forest. This locative is of regular occurrence in the case of Sindhi weak masculine nouns in ᵘ. For the old ablative, we have S. gharᵘ, L. ghar, a house, abl. S. gharō&#x0303;, L. gharā&#x0303;, and so others. The locative termination can be referred to the Ap. locative termination -hi or -hī, and the ablative ā&#x0303; or ō&#x0303; to the Ap. -hã or -hŭ. The nominative plural, and the general oblique case of both numbers are formed as in the following examples:—

In Lahnda the final short vowel of the weak forms has been dropped, but in some cases the final u of the masculine and the final i of the feminine have been preserved by epenthesis, as explained under the head of phonetics. The origin of the nominative plural and of the various oblique forms is explained in the article . In the same article is discussed the derivation of most of the postpositions employed to define the various oblique forms and to make real cases. There are as follows: S. khē, L. nū&#x0303;, to or for; S. khā&#x0303;, L. tō, from; S. jō, sandō, L. dā, of; S. mē&#x0303;, L. vic, in. It will be observed that the Lahnda forms are identical with those found in Panjabi. In both languages the accusative case is the same as the nominative, unless special definiteness is required, when, as usual in Indo-Aryan vernaculars, the dative is employed in its place. The agent case is the oblique form without any postposition. The S. khē is a corruption of Ap. kaahĩ, Skr. kr̥tē; and similarly khā&#x0303; from Ap. kaahu, Skr. kr̥tāt. S. sandō, like the Rajasthani handō and the Kashmiri sandᵘ or handᵘ, is by origin the present participle of the verb substantive, gharᵃ-sandō, meaning literally “existing (in connexion) with the house,” hence “of the house.” We may compare the Bengali use of haïtē, on being, to mean “from.” All these postpositions are added to the oblique form. We thus get the declension of the strong masculine noun S. ghōṛō, L. ghōṛā, a horse, as shown in the next column. When there are optional methods of making the oblique form only one is given. The others can be employed in the same way.

As in most other Indo-Aryan vernaculars, the genitive is really a possessive adjective, and agrees with the person or thing possessed in gender, number and case, exactly as in Panjabi.

An adjective agrees with its qualified noun in gender, number and case. In Lahnda, as in Hindostani, the only adjectives which change in these respects are strong adjectives in ā. In Sindhi weak forms in ᵘ also change the ᵘ to ᵉ or ᵃ in the feminine. Thus, S. caņō, L. cangā, good, fem. S. caņī, L. cangī; S. nidharᵘ, helpless, fem. nidharᵉ or nidharᵃ. The plural and oblique forms are made as in the case of nouns. If a postposition is used with the noun it is not also used with the adjective. Thus, L. cangiā&#x0303; ghōṛiā&#x0303;-dā, of good mares.

Comparison is effected as in Hindostani by putting the noun with which comparison is made in the ablative case. Sometimes special postpositions are employed for this form of the ablative.

The usual pronouns are as follows. In the Lahnda forms ä is pronounced as in German:—

I—S. ā&#x0303;ū&#x0303;, ā&#x0303;, mā&#x0303; or mū&#x0303;; L. mä&#x0303;; obl. S. ā&#x0303;, mā&#x0303;, mū&#x0303;; L. mä&#x0303;. We—S. asī&#x0303;; L. assī&#x0303;; obl. S. asā&#x0303;; L. assā&#x0303;. Of me, my—S. mũhũ-jō; L. mērā. Of us, our—S. asā&#x0303;-jō; L. asāḍā.

Thou—S. L. tū&#x0303;; obl. S. tō; L. tū&#x0303;, tä&#x0303;, tudh. You—S. tavhī&#x0303;, avhī&#x0303;; L. tussī&#x0303;; obl. S. tavhā&#x0303;, avhā&#x0303;; L. tussā&#x0303;. Of thee, thy—S. tũhũ-jō; L. tērā. Of you, your—S. tavhā&#x0303;-jō, avhā&#x0303;-jō; L. tusāḍā, tuhāḍā.

This, he, she, it—S. hī; L. eh; obl. S. hinᵃ, inᵃ; L. is. These, they—S. hē; L. eh, in; obl. S. hinᵉ, inᵉ; L. inhā&#x0303;.

That, he, she, it—S. hū; L. oh; obl. S. hunᵃ, unᵃ; L. us. Those, they—S. hō; L. oh, un; obi. S. hunᵉ, unᵉ; L. unhā&#x0303;.

That, he, she, it—S. sō; obl. tãhe&#x0303;. Those, they—S. sē; obl. tanᵉ. We should expect corresponding forms for Lahnda, but they are not given in the grammars.

Self—S. pānᵃ; L. āpē. Own—S. pā&#x0303;hă-jō; L. āpṇā. Cf. Panjabi āp, Kashmiri pānᵃ.

Who—S. L. jō; obl. S. jãhe&#x0303;; L. jä&#x0303;; plur. nom. S. jē; L. jō; obl. S. janᵉ; L. jinhā&#x0303;.

Who?—S. kērᵘ; L. kaun; obl. S. kãhe&#x0303;; L. kā&#x0303;; plur. nom. S. kērᵉ; L. kaun; obl. S. kanᵉ; L. kinhā&#x0303;.

What?—S. chā; L. cä; obl. S. chā; L. kitt.

Any one—S. L. kōī; obl. S. kāhī&#x0303;; L. kähē.

The derivation of most of these forms can be gathered from the article. Others, such as assī&#x0303;, tussī&#x0303;, pānᵃ, are borrowed from Piśāca.

The north-western group of Indo-Aryan vernaculars, Sindhi, Lahnda, and Kashmiri, are distinguished by the free use which they make of pronominal suffixes. In Kashmiri these are added only to verbs, but in the other two languages they are also added to nouns. These suffixes take the place of personal pronouns in various cases and are as follows:—

All these suffixes are remnants of the full pronominal forms. In all cases they can be at once explained by a reference to the originals in Piśāca, rather than to those of other Indo-Aryan languages. It will here be convenient to consider them only in connexion with nouns. In such cases they are usually in the genitive case. Thus, S. piu, a father; piumᵉ, my father; piuᵉ, thy father; piuvᵃ, your father; piusᵉ, his father; piunᵉ or piunᵃ, their father. There being in Sindhi no suffix of the genitive plural of the first personal pronoun, there is no compound for “our father.” For that, as in the beginning of the Lord's Prayer, we must employ the full expression, asā&#x0303;-jō piu. In Lahnda we have piū, a father; pium, my