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Rh the other noble families which remained he exacted 400 hostages whom he put in the care of his ally Lygdamis.

In the heyday of the Athenian democracy, citizens both conservative and progressive, politicians, philosophers and historians were unanimous in their denunciation of “tyranny.” Yet there is no doubt that the rule of Peisistratus was most beneficial to Athens both in her foreign and in her internal relations. (1) During his enforced absence from Athens he had evidently acquired a far more extended idea of the future of Athens than had hitherto dawned on the somewhat parochial minds of her leaders. He was friendly with Thebes and Argos; his son Hegesistratus he set in power at Sigeum (see E. Abbott, Hist. of Gr. vol. i. xv 9) and his friend Lygdamis at Naxos. From the mines of Thrace, and perhaps from the harbour dues and from the mines of Laurium, he derived a large revenue, under his encouragement, Miltiades had planted an Athenian colony on the shores of the Thracian Chersonese; he had even made friends with Thessaly and Macedonia, as is evidenced by the hospitality extended by them to Hippias on his final expulsion. Finally, he did not allow his friendliness with Argos to involve him in war with Sparta, towards whom he pursued a policy of moderation. (2) At home it is admitted by all authorities that his rule was moderate and beneficent, and that he was careful to preserve at least the form of the established constitution. It is even said that, being accused of murder, he was ready to be tried by the Areopagus. Everything which he did during his third period of rule was in the interests of discipline and order. Thus he hired a mercenary bodyguard, and utilized for his own purposes the public revenues; he kept the chief magistracies (through which he ruled) in the hands of his family; he imposed a general tax of 10% (perhaps reduced by Hippias to 5%) on the produce of the land, and thus obtained control over the fleet and spread the burden of it over all the citizens (see the spurious letter of Peisistratus to Solon, Diog. Laert. i. 53; Thuc. vi. 54 and Arnold’s note ad loc.; Boeckh iii. 6, Thirlwall c. xi., pp 72–74; and Grote). But the great wisdom of Peisistratus is shown most clearly in the skill with which he blinded the people to his absolutism. Pretending to maintain the Solonian constitution (as he could well afford), he realized that people would never recognize the deception if a sufficient degree of prosperity were ensured. Secondly, he knew that the greater the proportion of the Athenians who were prosperously at work in the country and therefore did not trouble to interfere in the work of government the less would be the danger of sedition, whose seeds are in a crowded city. Hence he appears to have encouraged agriculture by abating the tax on small farms, and even by assisting them with money and stock. Secondly, he established deme law-courts to prevent people from having recourse to the city tribunals, it is said that he himself occasionally “went on circuit,” and on one of these occasions was so struck by the plaints of an old farmer on Hymettus, that he remitted all taxation on his land. Thus Athens enjoyed immunity from war and internecine struggle, and for the first time for years was in enjoyment of settled financial prosperity (see Constitution of Athens, c. 16. 7  ).

The money which he accumulated he put to good use in the construction of roads and public buildings. Like Cleisthenes of Sicyon and Periander of Corinth, he realized that one great source of strength to the nobles had been their presidency over the local cults. This he diminished by increasing the splendour of the Panathenaic festival every fourth year and the Dionysiac rites, and so created a national rather than a local religion. With the same idea he built the temple of the Pythian Apollo and began, though he did not finish, the temple of Zeus (the magnificent columns now standing belong to the age of Hadrian). To him are ascribed also the original Parthenon on the Acropolis, afterwards burned by the Persians, and replaced by the Parthenon of Pericles. It is said that he gave a great impetus to the dramatic representations which belonged to the Dionysiac cult, and that it was under his encouragement that Thespis of Icaria, by impersonating character, laid the foundation of the great Greek drama of the 5th and 4th centuries. Lastly, Peisistratus carried out the purification of Delos, the sacred island of Apollo of the Ionians; all the tombs were removed from the neighbourhood of the shrine, the abode of the god of light and joy.

We have spoken of his services to the state, to the poor, to religion. It remains to mention his alleged services to literature. All we can reasonably believe is that he gave encouragement to poetry as he had done to architecture and the drama; Onomacritus, the chief of the Orphic succession, and collector of the oracles of Musaeus, was a member of his household. Honestly, or to impress the people, Peisistratus made considerable use of oracles (e.g. at the battle of Pellene), and his descendants, by the oracles of Onomacritus, persuaded Darius to undertake their restoration. As to the library of Peisistratus, we have no good evidence, it may perhaps be a fiction of an Alexandrian writer. There is strong reason for believing the story that he first collected the Homeric poems and that his was the text which ultimately prevailed (see ).

It appears that Peisistratus was benevolent to the last, and, like Julius Caesar, showed no resentment against enemies and calumniators. What Solon said of him in his youth was true throughout, “there is no better-disposed man in Athens, save for his ambition.” He was succeeded by his sons Hippias and Hipparchus, by whom the tyranny was in various ways brought into disrepute.

It should be observed that the tyranny of Peisistratus is one of the many epochs of Greek history on which opinion has almost entirely changed since the age of Grote. Shortly, his services to Greece and to the world may be summed up under three heads: In foreign policy, he sketched out the plan on which Athens was to act in her external relations. He advocated (a) alliances with Argos, Thessaly and Macedon, (b) ascendancy in the Aegean (Naxos and Delos), (c) control of the Hellespontine route (Sigeum and the Chersonese), (d) control of the Strymon valley (Mt Pangaeus and the Strymon). Further, his rule exemplifies what is characteristic of all the Greek tyrannies—the advantage which the ancient monarchy had over the republican form of government. By means of his sons and his deputies (or viceroys) and by his system of matrimonial alliances he gave Athens a widespread influence in the centres of commerce, and brought her into connexion with the growing sources of trade and production in the eastern parts of the Greek world. (2) His importance in the sphere of domestic policy has been frequently underrated. It may fairly be held that the reforms of Solon would have been futile had they not been fulfilled and amplified by the genius of Peisistratus. (3) It was under his auspices that Athens began to take the lead in literature. From this period we must date the beginning of Athenian literary ascendancy. But see.

.—Ancient Herod i. 59; Plut. Solon 30; Arist. Politics, v. 12, 5–1315 b; Constitution of Athens (Ath. Pol.) cc. 14-19. On the chronological problems see also P. Meyer, ''Arist. Pol. and'' ''the Ath. Pol. pp. 48–9; Gomperz, Die Schrift v. Staatswesen'', &c. (1891); Bauer, ''Lit. and hist. Forsch. z. Arist. Ath. Pol.'' (50 sqq.). On the characteristics of the Peisistratid tyranny see Greenidge, Handbook of Greek Constitutional History, pp 26 sqq.; and the histories of Greece. On the question of the family of Peisistratus see Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Aristoteles und Athen (Berlin, 1893) and a criticism by E. M. Walker in the Classical Review, vol. viii. p. 206, col 2.

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