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1305–1590] was simply the non-Christian tendency of the Renaissance, standing as it did on a purely pagan basis—“the stench of heathendom,” as Dante described it. In other respects Paul II. encouraged men of learning and the art of printing, and built the magnificent palace of San Marco, in which he established a noble collection of artistic treasures.

The long pontificate of the Franciscan Francesco della Rovere, under the title of Pope Sixtus IV., displays striking contrasts of light and shade; and with him begins series of the so-called “political popes.” It remains a lamentable fact that Sixtus IV. frequently subordinated the Father of Christendom to the Italian prince, that he passed all bounds in the preferment of his own family, and in many ways deviated into all too worldly courses. The decay of ecclesiastical discipline grew to alarming proportions under Sixtus. During his reign crying abuses continued and grew in spite of certain reforms.

The nepotism in which the pope indulged is especially inexcusable. His feud with Lorenzo de’ Medici culminated in the Pazzi conspiracy, the tragic sequel to which was the assassination of Giuliano de’ Medici (April 26, 1478). That the pope himself was guiltless of any share in that atrocious deed is beyond dispute; but it is deeply to be regretted that his name plays a part in the history of this conspiracy. Sixtus was far from bhnd to the Turkish peril, but here also he was hampered by the indifference of the secular powers. Again, the close of his reign was marked by the wars against Ferrara and Naples, and subsequently against Venice and the Colonnas; and these drove the question of a crusade completely into the background. In the affairs of the Church he favoured the mendicant orders, and declared against the cruel and unjust proceedings of the Spanish Inquisition. His nominations to the cardinalate were not happy. The College of Cardinals, and the Curia in general, grew more and more infected with worldliness during his pontificate. On the other side, however, the pope did splendid service to art and science, while to men of letters he allowed incredible freedom. The Vatican library was enriched and thrown open for public use, Platina—the historian of the popes—receiving the post of librarian. The city of Rome was transfigured. At the papal order there arose the Ponte Sisto, the hospital of San Spirito, Santa Maria del popolo, Santa Maria della pace, and finally the Sistine Chapel, for the decoration of which the most famous Tuscan and Umbrian artists were summoned to Rome. This fresco-cycle, with its numerous allusions to contemporary history, is still preserved, and forms the noblest monument of the Rovere pope.

The reign of Innocent VIII. is mainly occupied by his troubles with the faithless Ferdinand of Naples. These sprang from his participation in the War of the Barons; but to this the pope was absolutely compelled. Innocent’s bull concerning witchcraft (Dec. 5, 1484) has brought upon him many attacks. But this bull contains no sort of dogmatic decision on the nature of sorcery. The very form of the bull, which merely sums up the various items of information that had reached the pope, is enough to prove that the decree was not intended to bind anyone to belief in such things. Moreover the bull contained no essentially new regulations as to witchcraft. It is absurd to make this document responsible for the introduction of the bloody persecution of witches; for, according to the Sachsenspiegel, the civil law already punished sorcery with death. The action of Innocent VIII. was simply limited to defining the jurisdiction of the inquisitors with regard to magic. The bull merely authorized, in cases of sorcery, the procedure of the canonical inquisition, which was conducted exclusively by spiritual judges and differed entirely from that of the later witch-trials. Even if the bull encouraged the persecution of witches, in so far as it encouraged the inquisitors to take earnest action, there is still no valid ground for the accusation that Innocent VIII. introduced the trial of witches and must bear the responsibility for the terrible misery which was afterwards brought on humanity by that institution.

During the last three decades of the 15th century the Roman Curia, and the College of Cardinals in particular, became increasingly worldly. This explains how on the death of Innocent VIII. (July 25, 1492), simoniacal succeeded in procuring the election of Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia, a man of the most abandoned morals, who did not change his mode of life when he ascended the throne as Pope Alexander VI. The beginning of his reign was not unpromising; but all too soon that nepotism began which attained its height under this Spanish pope, and dominated his whole pontificate. A long series of scandals resulted. The cardinals opposed to Alexander, headed by Giuliano della Rovere, found protection and support with Charles VIII. of France, who laid claim to Naples. In prosecution of this design the king appeared in Italy in the autumn of 1494, pursued his triumphant march through Lombardy and Tuscany, and, on the 31st of December, entered Rome. Charles had the word reform perpetually on his lips; but it could deceive none who were acquainted with the man. At first he threatened Alexander with deposition: but on the 15th of January 1495 an agreement was concluded between pope and king.

While the French were marching on Naples there arose a hostile coalition which compelled them to beat a hasty retreat—the Holy League of March 1495. All their conquests were lost; and the pope now determined to chastise the Orsini family, whose treachery had thrown him into the hands of the French. The project miscarried, and on the 25th of January 1497 the papal forces were defeated.

In June occurred the mysterious assassination of the duke of Gandia, which appeared for a while to mark the turning point in Alexander’s life. For some time he entertained serious thoughts of reformation; but the matter was first postponed and then forgotten. The last state now became worse than the first, as Alexander fell more and more under the spell of the infamous Cesare Borgia. One scandal followed hard on the other, and opposition naturally sprang up. Unfortunately, Savonarola, the head of that opposition, transgressed all bounds in his well meant zeal. He refused to yield the pope that obedience to which he was doubly pledged as a priest and the member of an order. Even after his excommunication (May 12, 1497) he continued to exercise the functions of his office, under the shelter of the secular arm. In the end he demanded a council for the deposition of the pope. His fall soon followed, when he had lost all ground in Florence; and his execution on the 23rd of May 1498 freed Alexander from a formidable enemy (see Savonarola). From the Catholic standpoint Savonarola must certainly be condemned: mainly because he completely forgot the doctrine of the Church that the sinful and vicious life of superiors, including the pope, is not competent to abrogate their jurisdiction.

After the death of Charles VIII. Alexander entered into an agreement and alliance with his successor Louis XII. The fruits of this compact were reaped by Cesare Borgia, who resigned his cardinal’s hat, became duke of Valentinois, annihilated the minor nobles of the papal state, and made himself the true dictator of Rome. His soaring plans were destroyed by the death of Alexander VI., who met his end on the 18th of August 1503 by the Roman fever—not by poison.

The only bright pages in the dark chapter of Alexander’s popedom are his efforts on behalf of the Turkish War (1499–1502). his activity for the diffusion of Christianity in America, and his judicial awards (May 3–4, 1493) on the question of the colonial empires of Spain and Portugal, by which he avoided a bloody war. It is folly to speak of a donation of lands which did not belong to the pope, or to maintain that the freedom of the Americans was extinguished by the decision of Alexander VI. The expression “donation” simply referred to what had already been won under just title: the decree contained a deed of gift, but it was an adjustment between the powers concerned and the other European princes, not a parcelling out of the New World and its inhabitants. The monarchs on whom the privilegium was conferred received a right of priority with