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INDEPENDENT MEXICO] consisting largely of Indians, captured a stronghold at Guanajato and even threatened the capital; but the revolutionists were defeated in 1811 at Calderon, and the leaders executed. Another priest, however, named Morelos, continued the movement, and, despite defeat in the terrible siege of Cuatla (now Morelos) on the 2nd of May 1812, raised the south, so that in the next year his forces overran most of the kingdom of Mexico and held its southern parts, and he was able to convoke a congress and issue a constitution. But he also was captured, and executed at Mexico City in 1815. Though revolutionary movements still continued, by 1817 only one leader, Vincente Guerrero, was left in the field. But in March 1820 the Spanish constitution, repudiated by King Fernando VII. soon after his restoration, was restored after a military rising in Spain. It was promulgated in Mexico, and the ecclesiastics and Spaniards, fearing that a Liberal Spanish government would force on them disendowment, toleration and other changes, induced Augustin de Iturbide, who had already been conspicuous in suppressing the risings, to take the field in order to effect what may be called a reactionary revolution.

III.—Independent Mexico.

Thenceforward, till the second election of Porfirio Diaz to the presidency in 1884, the history of Mexico is one of almost continuous warfare, in which Maximilian’s empire is a mere episode. The conflicts, which may at first sight seem to be merely between rival generals, are seen upon closer examination to be mainly (1) between the privileged classes, i.e. the church and (at times) the army, and the mass of the other civilized population; (2) between Centralists and Federalists, the former being identical with the army, the church and the supporters of despotism, while the latter represent the desire for republicanism and local self-government. Similar conflicts are exhibited, though less continuously, by most of the other Spanish-American states. On both sides in Mexico there was an element consisting of honest doctrinaires; but rival military leaders exploited the struggles in their own interest, sometimes taking each side successively; and the instability was intensified by the extreme poverty of the peasantry, which made the soldiery reluctant to return to civil life, by the absence of a regular middle class, and by the concentration of wealth in a few hands, so that a revolutionary chief was generally sure both of money and of men. But after 1884 under the rule of Diaz, the Federal system continued in name, but it concealed in fact, with great benefit to the nation, a highly centralized administration, very intelligent, and on the whole both popular and successful—a modern form of rational despotism.

Iturbide eventually combined with Guerrero, and proclaimed the “Plan of Iguala,” which laid down, as the bases of the new state, the maintenance of the Roman Catholic religion and the privileges of the clergy, the establishment of a limited monarchy, and equality of rights for Spaniards and native-born Mexicans. Iturbide sought the co-operation of the viceroy Apodaca, who, however, refused; but he was presently superseded by General O’Donojú, who, being unable to get beyond Vera Cruz, recognized the independence of Mexico. O’Donojú shortly afterwards died; the Spanish government repudiated his act; and Spanish troops held the fortress of San Juan de Ulúa, off Vera Cruz, till 1827. A provisional junta, nominated by Iturbide, issued a declaration of independence (Oct. 1821), and nominated a regency of five, with Iturbide as its president. The first Mexican Congress met on the 24th of February 1822. A section of it favoured a republic; another, monarchy under Iturbide; another, which was broken up by the refusal of Spain (continued until 1836) to recognize Mexican independence, monarchy under a Bourbon prince. A conflict now arose between the republican majority and Iturbide, which was settled by a military pronunciamiento in his favour, and the Congress elected him emperor. He was crowned on the 21st of July 1822. Fresh conflicts broke out between him and the Congress, and Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, captain-general of Vera Cruz, proclaimed a republic,

promising to support the Plan of Iguala. He was defeated at Jalapa and driven to Vera Cruz; but the army deserted Iturbide, who was compelled to abdicate (April 19, 1823). The Congress deported him to Italy, and granted him a pension. He returned almost immediately, on the pretext that Spain was intriguing against Mexican independence, and on landing (having been previously outlawed) was arrested and executed (July 1, 1824).

The Congress had meanwhile undone much of his work, and had divided into Federalists and Centralists, the latter largely Monarchists and Freemasons. The Federalists were strong enough to secure the adoption of a constitution (Oct. 4, 1824) modelled on that of the United States, with additional clauses, notably one declaring the Roman Catholic religion to be alone recognized. A source of abundant discord was opened by the provision that each state should contribute its quota to the Federal revenues. No proper statistical basis for estimating the quotas existed, and the device gave each state a plausible reason for attempting secession on occasion. Moreover, the capital and some territory round it was made into a “Federal district”—another grievance intensifying the antagonism of the state to the central power. The Freemasons had been largely instrumental in overthrowing Iturbide; they now divided into the Escoceses (lodges of the Scottish ritual), who were Monarchist and Centralist, and the Yorkinos, who took their ritual from New York, and their cue, it was alleged, from the American minister, Joel Poinsett. An attempt at revolt, headed by Nicolas Bravo, vice-president, the Grand Master of the Escoceses, was suppressed, but dissensions ensued in the Yorkino party between the followers of President Guerrero (a man largely of native blood, and the last of the revolutionary leaders) and of Gomez Pedraza, the war minister. A conflict broke out, the Guerrerists were victorious, and the pillage of foreign shops in Mexico City (1828), among them that of a French baker, gave a basis for the foreign claims which, ten years later, caused the “Pastry War” with France. Meanwhile, attacks on Spanish ships off Cuba by a Mexican squadron, commanded by an American, David Porter, had induced Spain to send an expedition to reconquer Mexico (1829) which was checked at Tampico by Santa Anna. During the invasion Vice-President Antonio Bustamante declared against President Guerrero; the bulk of the army supported him. Guerrero was deposed, and his partisans in the south were defeated at Chilpancingo (Jan. 2, 1831); and Guerrero, retiring to Acapulco, was enticed on board an Italian merchant-ship, and treacherously seized, tried and executed (Jan.–Feb. 1831). Next year, however, a revolt broke out against Bustamante, which was joined by Santa Anna, and eventually resulted in a pronunciamiento in favour of Gomez Pedraza. He, and his successor, Vice-President Gomez Farias (1833), assailed the exemption of the clergy and of military officers from the jurisdiction of the civil courts, and the latter attempted to laicize higher education and to relax monastic bonds. Santa Anna took advantage of the situation to assume the presidency. He eventually became dictator, dissolved Congress (May 31, 1834) and the state legislatures, and substituted creatures of his own for the governors of the states and mayors of towns, then retiring into private life. A new Congress, having resolved itself into a constituent assembly, followed up this Centralist policy (Dec. 30, 1836) by framing a new constitution, the Siete Leyes or Seven Laws, which converted the states into departments, ruled by governors appointed by the central authority, and considerably reduced popular representation. Antonio Bustamante became the first president under it. The French claims set up by the pillage of foreign shops in Mexico had, however, remained unsatisfied, and in 1838 a French fleet blockaded the coast, bombarded the fortress of San Juan de Ulúa, off Vera Cruz, and occupied the town. The Mexican government gave way, threatened by Federalist risings and secessions of states, which culminated in 1841. Santa Anna appeared, nominally as a