Page:EB1911 - Volume 12.djvu/737

 reflexive pronoun is G. āpᵃṇē, R. āpā̃. It is generally employed as a plural of the first personal pronoun including the person addressed; thus G. āpᵃṇē, we (including you), but amē, we (excluding you). In G. pōtē, obl. pōtā, is used to mean “self.”

{| rules="cols" border="1"
 * Apabhraṁśa.
 * Gujarati.
 * Rajasthani.
 * rowspan="2"|
 * &emsp;haũ||&emsp;hũ|| hū̃, mhū̃, maī
 * maĩ, mahu, majjhu || ma, maj || ma, mha, mū̃
 * &emsp;mahāraü||&emsp;mārō|| mārō, mhārō
 * rowspan="2"|
 * maĩ, mahu, majjhu || ma, maj || ma, mha, mū̃
 * &emsp;mahāraü||&emsp;mārō|| mārō, mhārō
 * rowspan="2"|
 * &emsp;mahāraü||&emsp;mārō|| mārō, mhārō
 * rowspan="2"|
 * rowspan="2"|
 * rowspan="2"|


 * &emsp;amhē||&emsp;amē|| mhē
 * &emsp;amhahã||&emsp;am-ō|| mhā̃
 * &emsp;amhāraü||&emsp;amārō|| mhā̃-rō, mhā̃-kō
 * rowspan="2"|
 * &emsp;tuhũ||&emsp;tũ|| tū̃
 * taĩ, tuha, tujjhu||&emsp;ta, tuj|| ta, tha, tū̃
 * &emsp;tuhāraü||&emsp;tārō|| thārō
 * rowspan="2"|
 * &emsp;tuhũ||&emsp;tũ|| tū̃
 * taĩ, tuha, tujjhu||&emsp;ta, tuj|| ta, tha, tū̃
 * &emsp;tuhāraü||&emsp;tārō|| thārō
 * rowspan="2"|
 * &emsp;tuhāraü||&emsp;tārō|| thārō
 * rowspan="2"|
 * rowspan="2"|
 * rowspan="2"|


 * &emsp;tumhē||&emsp;tamē|| thē, tamē
 * &emsp;tumhahã||&emsp;tam-ō|| thā̃, tamā̃
 * &emsp;tumhāraü||&emsp;tamārō|| thā̃-rō, thā̃-kō
 * rowspan="2"|
 * &emsp;ēho||&emsp;ē|| yō
 * (?) ēhaha, imaha||&emsp;ē|| ī̃
 * rowspan="2"|
 * rowspan="2"|
 * &emsp;ēho||&emsp;ē|| yō
 * (?) ēhaha, imaha||&emsp;ē|| ī̃
 * rowspan="2"|
 * rowspan="2"|
 * rowspan="2"|


 * &emsp;ēi||&emsp;ē-ō|| ē, yē
 * &emsp;ēammi, ēhāṇa||&emsp;em|| iṇā̃, yā̃.
 * }
 * }

Conjugation.—The old present has survived as in Hindostani and other Indian languages. Taking the base call or caḷ, go, as our model, we have:

The derivation of the G. 1 plural is unknown. That of the other G. and R. forms is manifest. The imperative closely follows this, but as usual has no termination in the second person singular.

In R. the future may be formed by adding gō (cf. Hindostani gā), lō, or lā to the old present. Thus, caḷū̃-gō, caḷū̃-lo or calū̃-lā I shall go. The gō and lō agree in gender and number with the subject, but lā is immutable. The termination with l is also found in Bhojpuri (see ), in Marathi and in Nepali. For gō see. Another form of the future has s or h for its characteristic letter, and is the only one employed in G. Thus, Ap. callisaũ or callihaũ, G. cālīś, R. (Jaipuri) caḷᵃsyū̃, (Marwari) caḷᵃhũ. The other personal terminations differ considerably from those of the old present, and closely follow Ap. Thus, Ap. 3 sing. callisai or callihi, G. cālᵃśē, Marwari caḷᵃhī.

The participles and infinitive are as follows:

In G. the infinitive is simply the neuter of the future passive participle. The participles are employed to form finite tenses; thus G. hũ cālᵃtō, I used to go; hũ cālyō, I went. If the verb is transitive (see ) the passive meaning of the past participle comes into force. The subject is put into the case of the agent, and the participle inflects to agree with the object, or, if there is no object, is employed impersonally in the neuter (in G.) or in the masculine (in R.). In Hindostani, if the object is expressed in the dative, the participle is also employed impersonally, in the masculine; thus rājā-nē shērnī-kō mārā (masc.), not mārī, (fem.), by-the-king, with reference-to-the-tigress, it-(impersonal)-was-killed, i.e. the king killed the tigress. But in G. and R., even if the object is in the dative, the past participle agrees with it; thus, G. rājāē wāghaṇ-nē mārī, by-the-king, with-reference-to-the-tigress, she-was-killed. Other examples from G. of this passive construction are mē̃ kahyũ, by me it was said, I said; tēṇē ciṭṭhī lakhī, by him a letter was written, he wrote a letter; ē bāīē vagᵃḍā-mā̃, dahāḍā kāḍyā, by this lady, in the wilderness, days were passed, i.e. she passed her days in the wilderness; rājāē vicāryũ, the king considered. The idiom of R. is exactly the same in these cases, except that the masculine must be used where G. has the neuter; thus, rājāai vicāryo. The future passive participle is construed in much the same way, but (as in Latin) the subject may be put into the dative. Thus, mārē ā cåpᵃḍī vā̃cᵃvī, mihi ille liber (est) legendus, I must read that book, but also tēṇē (agent case) ē kām karᵃvũ, by him this business is to be done.

G. also forms a past participle in ēlō (cālēlō), which is one of the many survivals of the outer language. This -l- participle is typical of most of the languages of the outer band, including Marathi, Oriya, Bengali, Bihari and Assamese. It is formed by the addition of the Prakrit pleonastic suffix -illa-, which was not used by the Prakrit of the Midland, but was common elsewhere. Compare, for instance, the Ardhamāgadhī past participle passive āṇ-illia-, brought.

The usual verbs substantive are as follows: G. chũ, R. hū̃ or chū̃, I am, which are conjugated regularly as old presents, and G. hatō, R. hō or chō, was, which is a past participle, like the (q.v.) thā. Hū̃, hatō and hō are explained in the article on that language. Chũ is for Skr. r̥cchāmi, Ap. acchaũ. The use of this base is one of the outer band survivals. Even in Prakrit, it is not found (so far as the present writer is aware) in the Śaurasēnī of the Midland. Using these as auxiliaries the finite verb makes a whole series of periphrastic tenses. A present definite is formed by conjugating the old present tense (not the present participle) with the present tense of the verb substantive. Thus, G. cālũ chũ, I am going. A similar idiom is found in some Western Hindi dialects, but Hindostani employs the present participle; thus, caltā hū̃. In G. and R., however, the imperfect is formed with the present participle as in H. Thus, G. hũ cālᵃtō hatō, I was going. So, as in H., we have a perfect hũ cālyō (or cālēlō) chũ, I have gone, and a pluperfect hũ cālyō (or cālēlō) hatō, I had gone. The R. periphrastic tenses are made on the same principles. With the genitive of the G. future passive participle, cālᵃvā-nō, we have a kind of gerundive, as in hũ cālᵃvānō chũ, I am to be gone, i.e. I am about to go; hũ cālᵃvānō hatō, I was about to go.

The same series of derivative verbs occurs in G. and R. as in H. Thus, we have a potential passive (a simple passive in G.) formed by adding ā to the base, as in G. lakhᵃvũ, to write, lakhāvũ, to be written; and a causal by adding āv or āḍ, as in lakhāvᵃvũ, to cause to write; besᵃvũ, to sit, besāḍᵃvũ, to seat. A new passive may be formed in G. from the causal, as in tapᵃvũ, to be hot; tapāvᵃvũ, to cause to be hot; to heat; tapāvāvũ, to be heated.

Several verbs have irregular past participles. These must be learnt from the grammars. So also the numerous compound verbs, such as (G.) cālī śakᵃvũ, to be able to go; cālī cukᵃvũ, to have completed going; cālyā karᵃvũ, to be in the habit of going, and so on.

Very little is known about the literature of Rajputana, except that it is of large extent. It includes a number of bardic chronicles of which only one has been partially edited, but the contents of which have been described by Tod in his admired Rajasthan. It also includes a considerable religious

literature, but the whole mass of this is still in MS. From those specimens which the present writer has examined, it would appear that most of the authors wrote in Braj Bhasha, the Hindu literary dialect of (q.v.) In Marwar it is an acknowledged fact that the literature falls into two branches, one called Pingal and couched in Braj Bhasha, and the other called Ḍingal and couched in Rajasthani. The most admired work in Ḍingal is the Raghunāth Rũpak written by Mansā Rām in the beginning of the 19th century. It is nominally a treatise on prosody, but, like many other works of the same kind, it contrives to pay a double debt, for the examples of the metres are so arranged as to form a complete epic poem celebrating the deeds of the hero Rāma.

The earliest writer of importance in Gujarati, and its most admired poet, was Narsingh Mētā, who lived in the 15th century Before him there were writers on Sanskrit grammar, rhetoric and the like, who employed an old form of Gujarati for their explanations. Narsingh does not appear to have written any considerable work, his reputation depending on his short songs, many of which exhibit much felicity of diction. He had several successors, all admittedly his inferiors. Perhaps the most noteworthy of these was Rēwā Śankar, the translator of the Mahābhārata (see : Literature). A more important side of Gujarati literature is its bardic chronicles, the contents of which have been utilized by Forbes in his Rās Mālā. Modern Gujarati literature mostly consists of translations or imitations of English works.

—Volume ix. of the Linguistic Survey of India contains a full and complete account of Gujarati and Rajasthani, including their various dialectic forms.

For Rajasthani, see S. H. Kellogg, Grammar of the Hindi Language (2nd ed., London, 1893). In this are described several dialects of Rajasthani. See also Rām Karṇ Śarmā, Mārwāṛi Vyākaraṇa (Jodhpur, 1901) (a Marwari grammar written in that language), and G. Macalister, Specimens of the Dialects spoken in the State of Jaipur (contains specimens, vocabularies and grammars) (Allahabad, 1898).

For Gujarati, there are numerous grammars, amongst which we may note W. St C. Tisdall, Simplified Grammar of the Gujarati Language (London, 1892) and (the most complete) G. P. Taylor, The Student’s Gujarati Grammar (2nd ed., Bombay, 1908). As for dictionaries, the most authoritative is the Narma-kōś of Narmadā