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 the ascription of the same physical traits to the Achaeans of Homer forbids us to regard them as peculiar to that latest wave of pre-classical immigrants to which the Dorians belong; and there is no satisfactory evidence as to the coloration of the Spartans, who alone were reputed to be pure-blooded Dorians in historic times.

Language is no better guide, for it is not clear that the Dorian dialect is that of the most recent conquerors, and not rather that of the conquered Achaean inhabitants of southern Greece; in any case it presents no such affinities with any non-Hellenic speech as would serve to trace its origin. Even in northern and west-central Greece, all vestige of any former prevalence has been obliterated by the spread of “Aeolic” dialects akin to those of Thessaly and Boeotia; even the northern Doris, for example, spoke “Aeolic” in historic times.

The doubt already suggested as to language applies still more to such characteristics as Dorian music and other forms of art, and to Dorian customs generally. It is clear from the traditions about (q.v.), for example, that even the Spartans had been a long while in Laconia before their state was rescued from disorder by his reforms; and if there be truth in the legend that the new institutions were borrowed from Crete, we perhaps have here too a late echo of the legislative fame of the land of Minos. Certainly the Spartans adopted, together with the political traditions of the Heracleids, many old Laconian cults and observances such as those connected with the Tyndaridae.

 DORIA-PAMPHILII-LANDI, a princely Roman family of Genoese extraction. The founder of the house was Ansaldo d’Oria, consul of Genoa in the 12th century, but the authentic pedigree is traced no further back than to Paolo d’Oria (1335). The most famous member of the family was (q.v.), perpetual censor of Genoa in 1528 and admiral to the emperor Charles V., who was created prince of Melfi (1531) and marquis of Tursi (in the kingdom of Naples) in 1555. The marquisate of Civiez and the county of Cavallamonte were conferred on the family in 1576, the duchy of Tursi in 1594, the principality of Avella in 1607, the duchy of Avigliano in 1613. In 1760 the title of Reichsfurst or prince of the Holy Roman Empire was added and attached to the lordship of Torriglia and the marquisate of Borgo San Stefano, together with the qualification of Hochgeboren. That same year the Dorias inherited the fiefs and titles of the house of Pamphilii-Landi of Gubbio, patricians of Rome and princes of San Martino, Valmontano, Val di Toro, Bardi and Corupiano. The Doria-Pamphilii palace in Rome, a splendid edifice, was built in the 17th century, and contains a valuable collection of paintings. The Villa Doria-Pamphilii with its gardens is one of the loveliest round Rome. During the siege of 1849 it was Garibaldi’s headquarters.

 DORION, SIR ANTOINE AIMÉ (1816–1891), Canadian lawyer and statesman, son of Pierre Dorion and Geneviève Bureau, was born in the parish of Sainte Anne de la Pérade on the 17th of January 1816. He was educated at Nicolet College, and in his twenty-second year went to Montreal to read law with M. Cherrier, an eminent lawyer for whom he retained a lasting friendship. On the 6th of January 1842 he was admitted to the bar of the province, became the partner of M. Cherrier, and in the course of a few years attained the highest rank in his profession. He married in 1848 Iphigénie, daughter of Dr Jean Baptiste Trestler, of Vaudreuil. Dorion descended from an old Liberal family which from early days had supported the reform party in Canada. His father, a merchant of Sainte Anne, was a member of the legislative assembly for the county of Champlain, from 1830 to 1838, and his grandfather, on the maternal side, represented the county of Saint Maurice in the same body from 1819 to 1830. At the time that Dorion commenced the study of law, Canada was entering upon a new phase of her political life. The rebellion of 1837 had resulted in the suspension of the constitution of 1791, and the union of the provinces, effected under the Imperial Act of 1840, was framed to compel the obedience of the refractory population. It was an unsatisfactory measure, providing a single legislature for two provinces, with an equal number of representatives from each province, irrespective of population. At the time the lower province was the larger, but it was foreseen that a tide of English emigration would eventually place the upper province in the stronger position. Indeed, at the date of the Union, there were many English residents in the lower province, so that in the aggregate the English had then the majority. From the first it was apparent that representation by population would become an issue, and for several years there was a constant struggle for the establishment of responsible government, which was only achieved after the contest of 1848, when the La Fontaine-Baldwin administration was maintained in power. The difficulty had been avoided during the first years of the Union by La Fontaine, who succeeded in uniting English and French Liberals, and by substituting principles for race carried out a policy based upon a broader conception of human interests. Although a decisive victory had been gained by La Fontaine and Baldwin in 1848, they did not press for an immediate overthrow of institutions which for years had been a cause of contention, and their influence gradually diminished until, on the 28th of October 1851, the administration was handed over to Hincks and Morin. Liberal principles had now become aggressive; the new leaders did not keep abreast of the spirit of the times, their majority decreased, and, on the 11th of September 1854, a government was formed by McNab and Morin.

The elections of 1854 had brought new blood into the ranks of the Liberal party, young men eager to carry out measures of reform, and Dorion was chosen as leader. Under the coalition brought about by McNab between the Tories of Upper Canada and the Liberals of the lower province old abuses were removed, and, after the abolition of seigneurial tenure and clergy reserves, it appeared that the political atmosphere was clear. In 1856 the question of representation by population was again prominent. Upper Canada had increased, and it contributed a larger share to the revenue, and demanded proportionate representation. La Fontaine had pointed out, at the time he was prime minister, that representation by population would subject the weaker province to the control of the stronger, and that as he would not impose the principle upon Upper Canada at the time he would not concede it, without constitutional restraint, if her position were reversed. Upper Canada now became aggressive and the question had to be settled. Macdonald, who became prime minister in 1856, and had formed a new government with Cartier in 1857, maintained that no amendment to the constitution was necessary; that existing conditions were satisfactory. Brown, on the opposite side of the House, declared that representation by population was imperative, with or without constitutional changes; and Dorion appears to have suggested the true remedy, when he gave notice of a motion in 1856:—

Dorion was in advance of the time. He understood the true principle of federative union as applicable to Canada. But he did not pursue this idea, and in fact his following was never sufficiently strong to enable him to give effect to the sound measures he was so capable of formulating. This, perhaps, was his special weakness. On the 2nd of August 1858 he formed an administration with Brown, but was forced to resign after being in office three days.