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 disputes strikes are, on the whole, the most disastrous that it can adopt. The strikes of the years 1890 and 1892 are just as important on account of their political consequences as from the direct gains or losses involved.

As one result of the strike of 1890 a movement was set afoot by a number of enthusiasts, more visionary than practical, that has resulted in a measure of more or less disaster. This was the planting of a colony of communistic Australians in South America. After much negotiation the leader, Mr William Lane, a Brisbane journalist, decided on Paraguay, and he tramped across the continent, preaching a new crusade, and gathering in funds and recruits in his progress. On the 16th of July 1893 the first little army of “New Australians” left Sydney in the “Royal Tar,” which arrived at Montevideo on the 31st of August. Other consignments of intending settlers in “New Australia” followed; but though the settlement is still in existence it has completely failed to realize the impracticable ideals of its original members. The Queensland government assisted some of the disillusioned to escape from the paradise which proved a prison; some managed to get away on their own account; and those that have remained have split into as many settlements almost as there are settlers. Another effect of the Great Strike was in a more practical direction. New South Wales was the first country which endeavoured to settle its labour grievances through the ballot-box and to send a great party to parliament as the direct representation of Labour, pledged to obtain through legislation what it was unable to obtain by strikes and physical force. The principle of one-man one-vote had been persistently advocated without arousing any special parliamentary or public enthusiasm until the meeting of the Federal Convention in 1891. The convention was attended by Sir George Grey, who was publicly welcomed to the colony by New Zealanders resident in Sydney, and by other admirers, and his reception was an absolute ovation. He eloquently and persistently advocated the principle of one-man one-vote as the bed-rock of all democratic reform. This subsequently formed the first plank of the Labour platform. Several attempts had been made by individuals belonging to the Labour party to enter the New South Wales parliament, but it was not until 1891 that the occurrence of a general election gave the party the looked-for opportunity for concerted action. The results of the election came as a complete surprise to the majority of the community. The Labour party captured 35 seats out of a House of 125 members; and as the old parties almost equally divided the remaining seats, and a fusion was impossible, the Labour representatives dominated the situation. It was not long, however, before the party itself became divided on the fiscal question; and a Protectionist government coming into power, about half the Labour members gave it consistent support and enabled it to maintain office for about three years, the party as a political unit being thus destroyed. The events of these three years taught the Labour leaders that a parliamentary party was of little practical influence unless it was able to cast on all important occasions a solid vote, and to meet the case a new method was devised. The party therefore determined that they would refuse to support any person standing in the Labour interests who refused to pledge himself to vote on all occasions in such way as the majority of the party might decide to be expedient. This was called the “solidarity pledge,” and, united under its sanction, what was left of the Labour party contested the general election of 1894. The result was a defeat, their numbers being reduced from 35 to 19; but a signal triumph was won for solidarity. Very few of the members who refused to take the pledge were returned and the adherents of the united party were able to accomplish more with their reduced number than under the old conditions.

The movement towards forming a parliamentary Labour party was not confined to New South Wales; on the contrary, it was common to all the states, having its origin in the failure of the Great Strike of 1890. The experience of the party was also much the same as in New South Wales, but its greatest triumphs were achieved in South Australia. The Labour party has been in power in Queensland, Western Australia and South Australia, and has, on many occasions, decided the fate of the government on a critical division in all the states except Tasmania and Victoria. Different ideals dominate the party in the different states. The one ideal which has just been described represents the Labour party from the New South Wales standpoint. The only qualification worth mentioning is the signing of the pledge of solidarity. The other ideal, typified by the South Australian party, differs from this in one important respect. To the Labour party in that state are admitted only persons who have worked for their living at manual labour, and this qualification of being an actual worker is one that was strongly insisted upon at the formation of the party and strictly adhered to, although the temptation to break away from it and accept as candidates persons of superior education and position has been very great. On the formation of the Commonwealth a Labour party was established in the federal houses. It comprises one-third of the representation in the House of Representatives, and perhaps a still larger proportion in the Senate. The party is, however, formed on a broader basis than the state parties, the solidarity pledge extends only to votes upon which the fate of a government depends. Naturally, however, as the ideals of the members of the party are the same, the members of the Labour party will be generally found voting together on all important divisions, the chief exception being with regard to free trade or protection. The Labour party held power in the Commonwealth for a short period, and has had the balance of power in its hands ever since the formation of the Commonwealth.

Australian legislation in the closing years of the 19th century and the first decade of the 20th bore the most evident traces of the Labour party’s influence. In all the colonies a complete departure from principles laid down by the leading political economists of the 19th century was made when acts were passed subjecting every branch of domestic industry to the control of specially constituted tribunals, which were empowered among other important functions to fix the minimum rate of wages to be paid to all grades of workmen. (See also the articles ; ; .)

Victoria was the pioneer in factory legislation, the first Victorian act of that character dating from 1873. In 1884 a royal commission, appointed two years earlier to inquire into the conditions of employment in the colony and certain allegations of “sweating” that had then recently been made, reported that:—“The most effective mode of bringing about industrial co-operation and mutual sympathy between employers and employed, and thus obviating labour conflicts in the future, is by the establishment of courts of conciliation in Victoria, whose procedure and awards shall have the sanction and authority of law.” This report led to the passing of a number of acts which, proving ineffectual, were followed by the Factories and Shops Act of 1896, passed by the ministry of Mr (afterwards Sir Alexander) Peacock. This measure, together with several subsequent amending acts, of which the most important became law in 1903, 1905 and 1907, forms a complete industrial code in which the principle of state regulation of wages is recognized and established. Its central enactment was to bring into existence (1) “Special Boards,” consisting of an equal number of representatives of employers and workmen respectively in any trade, under the presidency of an independent chairman, and (2) a Court of Industrial Appeals. A special board may be formed at the request of any union of employers or of workmen, or on the initiative of the Labour department. After hearing evidence, which may be given on oath, the special board issues a “determination,” fixing the minimum rate of wages to be paid to various classes of workers of both sexes and different ages in the trade covered by the determination, including apprentices; and specifying the number of hours