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 left the Government, nothing but the appearance was changed, and those who were actually in possession of power should have taken over the responsibility completely. The new Government could have counted upon support with greater certainty, as it was completely composed of members of the predominant party. The idea of armed resistance, however, was not logical and wrong. It was impossible to shake off the consequences of the sins that had been perpetrated already. Those who did not want to see any more Hungarian soldiers had, therefore, to see all the more Serbian, Roumanian and Bohemian ones.

The list of the sins of the Government was increased by the fact that this armed resistance fell to that portion of social democracy which was attempting to get into touch with the Internationale and with Russia. The disarmed State could not quarrel with the armed Entente, and the Social Democratic Party could do this least of all in the interests of the nation of Hungary. Social democracy could, at most, enter the fight on behalf of the programme of the Internationale against the bourgeoisie of Europe on the grounds of fundamental principles, but they could not do so for the integrity of the Hungarian soil. Even during imprisonment (March 11) the Social Democrats agreed with the Communists that they would cease to pursue the so-called policy of integrity.

It was settled, however, that the Hungarian people had to endure all sufferings. Hungary, which bled from a thousand wounds, had to enter a new fight and