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 hope that remained for public opinion was that we would succeed in forestalling the development of American power by a decisive result in the West. When this hope had also proved vain, the general fear was complete. Marshal Foch, his offensive, and the fact that Bulgaria deserted us, made it evident that our day was over and that the catastrophe was inevitable and imminent. And then the question was being asked with more and more violence: Can it be allowed that on account of the friendship for Germany the nation shall be forced to drain the bitter cup of suffering to the dregs?

And now the psychological moment for the revolution had arrived!

By what internal policy could the revolution have been forestalled or diminished? With energy or with greater social feeling? By more modern methods?

I am of opinion that the last suggestion might have led to a result more easily than the first; but the best means would have been the employment of both. It would have been easier to succeed by means of reforms because the collapse could not have been avoided anyhow, seeing that we were unable to bring about a decision on the Continent, and before the interference of America took place. After the defeat, however, the rise of the forcibly suppressed elements and revenge would have been inevitable. Would the same thing not have happened in other countries? What would have become of the internal peace in France if she had been defeated as we were, and if the people who had