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 proposed solution were in vain. I pointed out in vain that, although Dualism would cease to exist, the independence of the Hungarian states would appear in greater relief. In conjunction with Trialism the common army would also cease, and in questions of foreign policy it would be necessary to give the Hungarian Parliament the power to veto. Bureaucratic and centralized Austria would disappear as the result of this solution, and the Polish nation, which was a national State, would become the natural ally of Hungary, which was also organized upon a national basis. I pointed out in vain that Dualism would cease to have any right to existence if Poland were tied to Austria, and in consequence a nation with 40,000,000 people would be confronted by the nation of the Holy Crown of St. Stephen, which only numbered 20,000,000. I pointed out that it was impossible to rule Warsaw from Vienna, as this degree of independence, which did not satisfy Croatia with her two millions, could satisfy Poland with her twenty millions even less, especially in view of her great past. Tisza recognized that it was in the interests of Europe, the Monarchy, the Dynasty and Hungary, that Poland should join us. At the same time I pointed out in vain that the principle of Dualism was anyhow untenable if this principle prevented the alliance between Poland and ourselves. Tisza, however, would not give way. He came to the conclusion that it was better for Poland to remain Russian or to be divided than for us to change our constitution. The idea of Dualism was such a funda-