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 notwithstanding the pressure of taxes under which the lower order of people in this country laboured, yet it was a comfort to hear that she was the balance of power, and the protector of the liberties of Europe.'—Fox, February 15, 1787, Speeches (1815), iii. 285; cf. his speech, November 27, 1787, ibid. iii. 331. 'If Europe does not conceive the independence and the equilibrium of the Empire to be in the very essence of the system of balanced power in Europe, and if the scheme of public law in Europe, a mass of laws upon which that independence and equilibrium are founded, be of no leading consequence as they are preserved or destroyed, all the politics of Europe for more than two centuries have been miserably erroneous.'—Burke, Thoughts on French Affairs (1791), Works (1823), vii. 28. Even the enormity of the crime of the partitioning of Poland—'the testament of the old Europe'—seemed to be mitigated, inasmuch as deference seemed to be paid to the principle of balance in the deed of partition. With true appreciation and foresight, Burke wrote in 1772 to 'a Prussian gentleman': 'Pray, dear sir, what is next? These powers will continue armed. Their arms must have employment. Poland was but a breakfast, and there are not many Polands to be found. Where will they dine? After all our love of tranquillity, and all expedients to preserve it, alas, poor Peace!'—Correspondence (1844), i. 403. The necessity of upholding a balance in Europe with a view to security is the central argument in Gentz’ State of Europe before and after the French Revolution (an answer to Hauterive's De l'État de la France à la Fin de l'An VIII): see, more especially, in translation by Herries, 2nd ed., 1803, 17, 55, 92, 97–8, 122, 153, 223–4, 258, 261; and, on the partitioning of Poland, 112, 131–44. See also Bernard, Four Lectures on Diplomacy (1868), 97–100, and works mentioned in foot-note, p. 100.

The 'secret diplomacy' or 'secret correspondence' of Louis XV has its first beginnings in 1745, at the time of the pourparlers with the Polish nobles at Paris in the interest of the candidature of the Prince de Conti for the Polish throne. Conti was at first the chief agent of the King in la diplomatie secrète. It received impetus from the fall of d’Argenson in January 1747, and in 1750 is found in vigorous and widely-diffused activity. The Count de Broglie became attached to it on March 12, 1752, and two days later was nominated Ambassador to Poland. See Boutaric, Correspondance secrète inédite de Louis XV (1886); Le Duc de Broglie, Le Secret du Roi (1878), and Politique de tous les Cabinets de l'Europe … contenant des Pièces authentiques sur la Correspondance secrète du Cte de Broglie …; first published