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 several speeches urging Cromwell to accept the crown. It was about this time, according to his own statement, that Whitelocke was most intimate with the Protector, who would be familiar with him in private, lay aside his greatness, and make verses by way of diversion (Memorials, iv. 287–91; Old Parl. Hist. xxi. 66, 71, 118). In the ceremonial of the Protector's second inauguration Whitelocke played a conspicuous part; he was summoned to the new House of Lords (11 Dec. 1657), and it was generally reported that he was to be made baron of Henley. He states that Cromwell actually signed a patent to make him a viscount, which he refused (Memorials, iv. 309, 313, 335).

When Richard Cromwell succeeded his father, Whitelocke presented the congratulatory address of Buckinghamshire to the new Protector. Richard, he adds, ‘had a particular respect for me,’ as the result of which, without any solicitations of his own, Whitelocke was again made a commissioner of the great seal (22 Jan. 1659). In April 1659 Richard consulted him on the question of dissolving the parliament then sitting, which Whitelocke ineffectually opposed. He considered that the young Protector was betrayed by his near relations and by those of his own council. ‘I was wary,’ he concludes, ‘what to advise in this matter, but declared my judgment honestly, and for the good of Richard, when my advice was required’ (ib. iv. 337, 339, 343). The fall of Richard did not necessarily imply the fall of Whitelocke. As a member of the Long parliament he took his place again in that assembly when it was restored, and was elected by it a member of the new council of state (14 May). He lost, however, the commissionership of the great seal, which was placed in new hands (14 May). Parliament charged him to bring in a bill for the union of England and Scotland, which it was held necessary to re-enact, and offered him the post of ambassador to Sweden, which he refused (ib. iv. 351, 355). His enemy, Thomas Scott (d. 1660) [q. v.], accused him of being in correspondence with Charles II, but the charge was discredited (ib. iv. 349). In August 1659 Whitelocke was elected president of the council of state, and, holding that post at the time of Sir George Booth's insurrection, was enabled to show favour to Booth and other royalists, which stood him in good stead at the Restoration (ib. iv. 357). When the army turned out the Long parliament again (11 Oct.), Whitelocke was one of the committee of safety appointed by the officers to succeed the council of state. According to his own account he accepted the post offered him solely to prevent Vane and his party from compassing the overthrow of magistracy and ministry which the officers were too much inclined to do (ib. iv. 367; cf., Memoirs, ii. 161, ed. 1894). He was appointed one of the committee to draw up a scheme for a new constitution (ib. ii. 149; cf. Memorials, iv. 385). On 1 Nov. 1659 the great seal was again committed to his keeping, and in December he consented to issue writs for a new parliament (ib. iv. 369, 373, 375, 379, 383). When Monck declared for the restoration of the Long parliament, Whitelocke, in company of Fleetwood and Desborough, made a speech to the lord mayor and common council warning them against his designs (Old Parl. Hist. xxii. 10). According to his own account he distrusted Monck throughout, urged Lambert to attack him at once instead of allowing him to gain time by negotiating, and, finally perceiving that he meant to restore Charles II unconditionally, urged Fleetwood to anticipate him by offering to restore the king upon terms. Whitelocke offered to be Fleetwood's emissary to Charles II himself, but, after at first consenting, Fleetwood drew back, and Whitelocke's plan was frustrated (Memorial, iv. 373, 377, 381).

When the military revolution collapsed and the Long parliament was a second time restored, Whitelocke found himself in danger for acting on the committee of safety. His enemy Scot threatened to have him hanged with the great seal about his neck, there was a report that he would be sent to the Tower, and evident signs of impending prosecution. To be out of the way he retired to the country, while his wife prepared for the worst by burning many of his papers (ib. iv. 384, 386; cf. Commons' Journals, vii. 820, 833; Clarendon State Papers, iii. 639, 648). He escaped, however, all punishment, and at the restoration of Charles II he was equally fortunate. Clarendon classes together Whitelocke and John Maynard as men who, though they ‘did bow their knees to Baal and so swerve from their allegiance, had yet acted with less rancour and malice than other men; they never led but followed, and were rather carried away with the torrent than swam with the stream’ (Life of Clarendon, i. 63). This view was general, and hence, when Prynne moved that Whitelocke should be excepted from the Act of Indemnity, the motion was not carried (14 June 1660). Sir Robert Howard, Sir George Booth, and other royalists who were under obligation to him, spoke in his favour, and it was also urged that he had sent 500l.