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 ministers who formed Shelburne's cabinet, seven were Chathamite whigs, two had been followers of Rockingham, Grantham had not identified himself with any political party, and Thurlow represented the king (Life, iii. 229). During the debate on the change of ministry on 10 July, Shelburne took the opportunity of stating his firm adherence to ‘all those constitutional ideas which for seventeen years he had imbibed from his master in politics, the late Earl of Chatham.’ He also declared that he had never altered his opinion with regard to the independence of America, and ‘to nothing short of necessity would he give way on that head’ (Parl. Hist. xxiii. 191–5, 196). Parliament rose on the following day, and Shelburne was now able to give his undivided attention to the peace negotiations at Paris. Thomas Grenville (1755–1846) [q. v.], Fox's envoy to Vergennes, was succeeded by Alleyne Fitzherbert (afterwards Baron St. Helens) [q. v.], and Richard Oswald [q. v.] was formally empowered to conclude a peace with the American colonies. With much skill Shelburne managed to draw away the Americans from their allies, and in like manner to detach France from Spain and the northern powers. Though, after much reluctance, he conceded the absolute independence of the American colonies, he firmly resisted the surrender of Gibraltar, in spite of the king's wish to get rid of it. A provisional treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United States of America was signed at Paris on 13 Nov. 1782, and on 20 Jan. 1783 preliminary articles of peace with France and Spain were concluded, a truce being at the same time settled with the States-General. Weakened by dissensions in his cabinet, Shelburne vainly endeavoured to procure the support of North and Fox. On 17 Feb. 1783 the coalition of these statesmen against Shelburne became patent. The address approving of the peace, though carried in the lords by a majority of thirteen, was defeated in the commons by a majority of sixteen. Shelburne defended the treaties in a powerful speech, and boldly asserted his disbelief in the opinion then prevalent that the prosperity of the country depended on commercial monopoly. ‘I avow,’ he said, ‘that monopoly is always unwise; but if there is any nation under heaven who ought to be the first to reject monopoly, it is the English’ (Parl. Hist. xxiii. 407–20). On the morning of 22 Feb. Lord John Cavendish's resolution censuring the terms of peace was carried in the commons by 207 votes to 190; and on the 24th Shelburne, convinced that the king was playing a double game, resigned office. The charge against Shelburne that he had availed himself of his political information to speculate profitably in the stocks during the negotiations for peace, is entirely without foundation (Edinburgh Review, xxv. 211–12).

Upon the formation of the coalition ministry Shelburne retired into the country. At Pitt's request, however, he returned to town in May to attack Lord John Cavendish's financial measures, when he took the opportunity of vindicating his own conduct, and ‘thanked God that he remained independent of all parties’ (Parl. Hist. xxiii. 806–18, 824, 825–6). Shortly afterwards Shelburne went abroad for some months. Owing to his great unpopularity, Shelburne was not asked by Pitt to join the administration in December 1783. The king, moreover, was deeply incensed against Shelburne on account of his resignation in the previous February and his absence from the division on Fox's East India bill. Shelburne now ceased to take a prominent part in public affairs, and did not again take office. In spite of the treatment which he had received, Shelburne gave Pitt every assurance of his support, and on 6 Dec. 1784 was created Viscount Calne and Calstone, Earl Wycombe, and Marquis of Lansdowne in the peerage of Great Britain. In July 1785 he both spoke and voted in favour of the Irish commercial propositions (Parl. Hist. xxv. 855–64), and on 1 March 1787 he supported the treaty of commerce with France in an exceedingly able speech (ib. xxvi. 554–61). During the further discussion of the French treaty he became involved in an acrimonious discussion with the Duke of Richmond (ib. xxvi. 573 et seq.), which put an end to their friendship, and nearly brought about a duel, the general wish among the whigs being that ‘one should be shot and the other hanged for it’ (Life and Letters of Sir Gilbert Elliot, first Earl of Minto, 1874, i. 135). The understanding between Lansdowne and Pitt was first disturbed by a difference of opinion with regard to Indian affairs. Lansdowne entertained a great admiration for Warren Hastings. ‘The Foxites and Pittites,’ he writes to Bentham, ‘join in covering every villain, and prosecuting the only man of merit’ (Life, iii. 476). In March 1788 he offered a determined opposition to the East India declaratory bill (Cornwallis Correspondence, 1859, i. 355, 362; Parl. Hist. xxvii. 227–33, 256–9). In December 1788 he supported the government on the regency question (ib. xxvii. 874–84, 890). In the debate on the convention with Spain on 13 Dec. 1790, Lansdowne called the atten-