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 he was on most friendly terms with their king (it is unlikely that Matthew had as yet met the king, but he may have corresponded with Hacon about the affairs of the abbey, or, as seems likely, may have put words into the abbot's mouth which antedate his friendship with the king). Innocent accordingly wrote to the abbot of St. Albans on 27 Nov., desiring him to send Matthew to St. Benet Holm to reform the house. Matthew, who was appointed visitor of the abbots and convents of the Benedictine order in Norway, unwillingly accepted the task of reformation, and sailed in the summer of 1248, carrying with him a letter from Louis IX of France, inviting Hacon to join in the crusade. When he arrived at Bergen in June, the ship that brought him was struck by lightning, its mast was shattered, one of the crew was killed, and others were hurt. He escaped the danger, for he was at the time celebrating mass in a church near the shore, and the king for love of him ordered that the ship should be supplied with a taller and better mast. Hacon treated him as an intimate friend, and talked familiarly with him on many subjects. Matthew went to the abbey of St. Benet Holm, and accomplished his mission with complete success. He returned to England in 1249, bringing back with him presents from the king (ib. p. 651, v. 36, 42–45; Historia Anglorum, iii. 40–1). Henry III esteemed him highly, and allowed him to speak freely to him. He fearlessly blamed Henry in 1250 for doing, and allowing others to do, certain injuries to St. Albans Abbey. The king answered him lightly, but added that he would consider the matter (Chronica Majora, v. 129). With that year Matthew intended to close his greater chronicle. At the end of the narrative for the year he wrote a summary of the chief events of the preceding fifty years, adding ‘Here end the Chronicles of Brother Matthew Paris, monk of St. Albans.’ Next follow some hexameters on the incidence of Easter, and then some rhyming lines declaring that his work was done, and praying that he might have rest here and hereafter; and, after a notice of some elemental disturbances, he ends with a couple of rhyming hexameters (ib. pp. 197–8). He turned to the work of revision (see below), but again continued the great chronicle, taking it up where he left off at Christmas 1250—that is, with the beginning of 1251, according to the reckoning that he followed. In 1251 he was with the king at Winchester, and he has recorded, probably by Henry's order, a complaint made to the king in his presence by one of Henry's messengers who had been ill-treated by the Pastoureaux (ib. pp. 253–4). He was present at the dedication of the church of Hayles, Gloucestershire, on 5 Nov., and there Richard, earl of Cornwall, the founder, told him that he had spent ten thousand marks on the building, in order, as we read, that Matthew might give a correct account of the matter in his chronicle (ib. p. 262). Nor was this the only occasion on which Earl Richard personally gave him information (ib. p. 347). He had a good opportunity of observing the ways of the king and his favourites during a visit that Henry paid to St. Albans towards the end of August 1252, and recounts as an eye-witness the unseemly behaviour of one of the king's Poitevin chaplains. When Henry visited St. Albans for a week in March 1257, he was much in Matthew's company, had him with him in public, at table, and in his chamber, took a lively interest in his work, talked with him about the election of Earl Richard as king of the Romans, and gave him the names of the electors. He also named to him all the kings of England who were saints, and the 250 English baronies. During this visit the Oxford masters complained to the king that the Bishop of Lincoln was interfering with their liberties, and Matthew privately urged the king to uphold the university, saying, ‘For God's sake, sire, have a care of the church, for it is now in a critical position! The university of Paris, the nurse of so many holy prelates, is now violently disturbed; and if at the same time the university of Oxford, the second in rank of the church's schools—nay, its very foundation—be troubled, there will be reason to fear that the church itself will be brought to utter ruin’ (ib. pp. 618–619). Matthew carried his greater chronicle down to May 1259, where he ends abruptly, and certainly died about that time (ib. p. 748 n.)

His character and attainments may be gathered from his historical works. They prove him to have been diligent and able. How much of the manuscripts of Paris and how many of their illustrations that are now preserved are the work of his own hands cannot, perhaps, be decided with certainty (on this matter see Madden's Preface to Historia Anglorum, where too much seems to be attributed to him; Hardy's Catalogue of Materials, vol. iii., and his remarks on the facsimiles there produced, for a minute and more critical discussion, which, however, seems to go somewhat too far on the other side; and Dr. Luard's Preface to the Chronica Majora, where Hardy's conclusions are generally approved). But it may safely be assumed that he performed a vast amount of manual work, both as a scribe and as an illustrator.