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Rh in the presence of the king. It was summoned, he was charged to say, ‘to reform such things as had been used or permitted by inadvertence or by changes of time had become inexpedient’ ; but of the sweeping ecclesiastical reforms which were to be accomplished before this parliament was dissolved More clearly had no knowledge. According to Hall, an unfriendly witness, More added to his opening speech an unfriendly description of Wolsey as ‘a great wether’ that ‘had craftily juggled with the king,’ but neither Roper nor the parliamentary history gives any hint of the remark (, ii. 390-1). He signed the articles of Wolsey's impeachment, and doubtless assented as a lawyer to the policy both of declaring Wolsey guilty of a breach of the Præmunire Act, and of fining the clergy for having acknowledged Wolsey's legatine authority. But he had no share in penning the king's proclamation, ordering the clergy while paying their fines to acknowledge Henry, ‘as far as the law of Christ will allow, supreme head of the church’ (11 Feb. i 1530-1). According to Chapuys, More proffered his resignation as soon as he heard of the king's ‘usurpation’ of a title hitherto reserved to the pope (Letters and Papers, v. 112). But the king had hopes of More, and he remained in office. In March 1531 he announced to the House of Lords the opinions of the universities respecting the divorce. More was invited to declare his private opinion of the proceedings against Queen Catherine, but he cautiously remarked that he had already announced his views to the king many times (ib. v. 171). Next year parliament was induced to revoke all constitutions made by the clergy in convocation, and to prohibit the holding of convocations thenceforward without the royal license (23 Hen. VIII, c. 19). This was the first of the acts that were to disestablish the papacy in England. There followed a bill to suspend the payment of first-fruits to the papacy. Sir George Throckmorton spoke against the bill, and More sent for him privately and commended his attitude (, i. 360-1), while he vigorously opposed the proposal in the council, 13 May 1532. Nor did he conceal his dislike of the king's suggestion that the laws against heresy should be relaxed (cf. Spanish Calendar, iv. i. 446). The king showed signs of anger, and three days later More, perceiving his position impossible, resigned his office of chancellor in the gardens of York Place. He had held it little more than two years and a half. ‘Every one is concerned,’ wrote Chapuys, ‘for there never was a better man in office’ (ib. v. 1046). Going home, he broke the news to his wife and daughters with every appearance of light-hearted indifference. He at once adapted his household arrangements to his suddenly diminished income. He sold his plate, and cheerfully determined to live on some 100l. a year, the rent of lands which he had purchased, but for a time he received in addition some emoluments from the state (cf. Letters and Papers, 7 March 1534). In announcing his change of fortune to Erasmus he ascribed it to his ill-health, but Erasmus expressed his satisfaction at his withdrawal from politics (cf., Epist. 1856). When the Duke of Norfolk was inducting the new lord chancellor (Sir Thomas Audley) into office, More was gratified by the complimentary reference made to him, and he hotly denied the rumour that he had been dismissed from office, or had incurred the king's displeasure. In Chelsea Church he at once set up a tomb with a long epitaph upon it, in which he declared that he intended, as he had desired to do from a child, to devote his last years to preparing himself ‘for the life to come’ (ib. 1441-2).

As a judge More rendered his tenure of the chancellorship memorable. His rapidity and despatch were without precedent, and the chancery was soon so empty of causes that on one occasion he returned to his house at Chelsea at ten o'clock in the morning, and, calling for wine, thanked God ‘he had not one cause’ (, Court of James I, ed. Brewer, i. 227). A current rhyme was long remembered: When More some time had Chancellor been, No more suits did remain; The like will never more be seen Till More be there again. (Notes and Queries, 1st ser. vii. 80, x. 173, 393.) The poorest suitor obtained ready access to him and speedy trial, while the claims of kindred found no favour. His son-in-law, Giles Heron, relying on the chancellor's family affection, once refused to accept a reasonable arbitrament, but More at once gave ‘a flat decree against him.’ He encouraged suitors to resort to him at his own house, ‘where he would sit in his open hall, in many instances bringing the parties to a friendly reconcilement of their disputes. He forbade any subpoena to be granted until the matter in issue had been laid before him, with the lawyer's name attached to it, when, if he found it sufficient, he would add his fiat, but if too trifling for discussion would refuse a writ.’ He did not refrain from the common judicial practice of seasoning his judgments with an unpretending joke. When Rh