Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 36.djvu/392

Mary Stuart Papers, Foreign Ser. 1660-8, entry 2306). Although expressing willingness to discuss her case with Elizabeth, Mary affirmed that she would rather die than appear as a party to a suit with her own subjects (13 June, , ii. 98). By implication she confessed the necessity of explaining her conduct, and in withholding explanation, except in the presence of Elizabeth, she seemed more careful of her dignity than her honour. Ultimately she somewhat modified her resolution, but only in the expectation that the accusation would be abandoned. After she had been transferred on 13 July from Carlisle to Bolton an arbitration with a view to an amicable arrangement was proposed. Darnley's murder was to be inquired into, but Mary was led to believe that both Elizabeth and the English commissioners, especially Norfolk, were favourably inclined (Examination of the Bishop of Ross in Murdin, p. 52). Norfolk, who was president of the conference which met at York on 4 Oct., had been secretly led by Maitland to cherish hopes of a marriage to her. Norfolk therefore privately laboured to prevent Moray giving in his accusation, by representing that if the queen were dishonoured, the Scottish right to the succession would be endangered. Moray was thus induced, while privately exhibiting the Casket documents to Norfolk and others, to content himself at the conference with justifying the queen's imprisonment merely on the ground of her marriage to Bothwell, his hope being that if he 'did nothing upon the worst charges the Queen of Scots would be induced to a reasonable composition,' It was Elizabeth alone who prevented a compromise, and compelled him to ' utter all he could to the Queen's dishonour,' To prevent ' sic rigorous and extreme dealing,' Mary offered free and full pardon to her rebels (22 Nov., Labanoff, ii. 23), but declined to be a party to any inquiry unless permitted to make her defence before Elizabeth and the ambassadors of the foreign powers (id.) At the opening of the second conference on 25 Nov. at Westminster, the Bishop of Ross protested in her name that while ready to treat for an arrangement, she would submit to no form of judgment. On the threat of losing Elizabeth's favour, Moray was required to give in his accusations. Lennox also appeared in support of the charges against the queen of Scots, producing certain special evidence. Mary's commissioners now demanded that she should be allowed to appear in person, and that her accusers should be arrested, but Elizabeth declined to do so until she had heard the proofs of their allegations. After the evidence against Mary had been given, the presumption of her guilt was declared to be so great that Elizabeth could not without 'manifest blemish of her own honour receive her into her presence,' Mary was informed that the evidence would be transmitted to her if she would give a direct answer to it ; but declining to acknowledge Elizabeth's jurisdiction, she contented herself with a vigorous denial of the charges, and a denunciation of Moray and his adherents as themselves the 'authors and inventors, and some of them even executors,' of the crime. For a second time proposal was made for Mary's abdication ; she replied ' that she would rather die I than demit her crown, and that the last words she would utter on earth would be those of a Queen of Scotland' (ib. ii. 274). A formal verdict, ostensibly ia favour of both parties, was recorded. Nothing had, it was declared, been adduced against Moray and his adherents 'that might impair their honour or allegiance,' and nothing had been ' sufficiently proven or shown by them against the Queen their sovereign whereby the Queen of England should conceive any evil opinion of her good sister,' But while Moray obtained Elizabeth's support in the regency, the queen of Scotland was retained in captivity. On 26 Feb. 1568-9 Mary was removed to Tutbury, and placed under the charge of the Earl of Shrewsbury. Subsequently she was transferred to Wingfield. Here in June a proposal was renewed to her through Leicester for a marriage with Norfolk, which was accepted. At her suggestion an attempt was also made at the Perth convention on 31 July to secure assent to her divorce, but the motion was lost (Reg. P. C. Scotl. ii. 8-9). Had the Scots been favourable, there was some intention to ask Elizabeth's consent to the marriage, but it was now conjoined with a plot for Mary's escape and a catholic rising in her favour. Though Norfolk in October was sent to the Tower, the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland determined to proceed, and on 14 Nov. began their advance to Tutbury, whence Mary had again been removed, with the view of effecting her liberation. She was therefore hastily transferred to Coventry, orders being given for her execution should there be immediate danger of her escape.

The assassination of Moray on 23 Jan. 1569-70, which aroused wild hopes of the near triumph of Catholicism, proved fatal rather than helpful to the cause of Mary. It put an end to compromise and kindled the embers of civil war. On learning of the murder Mary wrote to Beaton that she was only the more indebted to the assassin that he