Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 36.djvu/348

Mary I Bourne [q. v.], had denounced the religious innovations of the late government. Even among the catholic noblemen, opposition to a full restoration of the Roman establishment was probable if the restitution of the church property confiscated during the last two reigns were insisted on. Mary, acting on Gardiner's and Renard's advice, consequently showed much judgment in issuing on 18 Aug. her first proclamation, in which she appealed to all men to embrace the ancient religion ; but after warning the two parties against reviling each other as idolaters or heretics, she promised that religion should be settled by common consent, that is to say in parliament (Foxe, iii. 18). But at the same time she directed the restitution of much church plate (Acts P. C. 1552-4, pp. 338 sq.), and gave plain warnings to ' busy meddlers in religion,' A few weeks later she secretly received a visit from Francesco Commendone, chamberlain to Pope Julius III. He came in disguise. Mary told him that she desired to restore the papal supremacy as well as catholic worship, and gave him an autograph letter to the pope. The pope, she was informed, had already designated Pole as papal legate in England, and she asked that he might come to her forthwith.

On 22 Aug. Northumberland and six of his allies were tried and condemned, but only three, Northumberland, Sir John Gates, and Sir Thomas Palmer, were executed. Mary allowed the duke proper burial. Quietly enjoying her triumph, she showed no vindictivene8s in dealing with her enemies. Giacomo Soranzo, the Venetian ambassador, reported to his government in 1554 that had her own wishes been consulted none of the prisoners would have been executed, but she yielded to the representations of her council ( Venetian Cal. 1534-54, p. 533). The imperial ambassador urged the necessity of executing Lady Jane, but Mary resolutely declined to take the step. Nor would she treat Elizabeth harshly. To many it was obvious that Elizabeth might become the centre of a hostile protestant faction unless she were kept under strict control. But Mary merely appealed to her to adopt the ancient ritual. Elizabeth readily removed one of Mary's difficulties by attending mass, and was accordingly left at peace.

On 12 Aug. Mary left the Tower for Richmond, and soon began preparations for her coronation. It was deemed politic to make it 'very splendid and glorious' (Strype). On 4 Sept. she issued two proclamations one remitting the taxes voted in Edward VI's last parliament, which caused 'a marvellous noise of rejoicing' (Chron. p. 26); the other regulating the coinage which Mary- desired to reform after its debasement by her father and brother. On 28 Sept. she removed from St. James's Palace to Whitehall, and proceeded by water to the Tower. Next day she made Edward Courtenay and fourteen others knights of the Bath. On 30 Sept. she returned to Westminster, at- tended by seventy ladies on horseback, clad in crimson velvet, and five hundred gentlemen, including the foreign ambassadors. The lord mayor carried the sceptre, triumphal arches were erected, and the pageantry was profuse. The conduits at Cornhill and Cheapside ran with wine. At St. Paul's School, John Heywood [q. v.], whom Mary liberally patronised throughout her reign, delivered an oration in Latin and English, while the cathedral choristers played on viols and sang. Next morning, 1 Oct., the queen went to Westminster by water, resplendent in crimson velvet, minever fur, ribbons of Venetian gold, silk and gold lace. Gardiner conducted the coronation ceremony. The queen at the high altar swore upon the host to observe the coronation oaths. George Bay, bishop of Chichester, preached the sermon, and dwelt on the obedience due to kings. (The original records are in the College of Arms, see Planches Begal Records, 1838, pp. 1-33.) Princess Elizabeth and Anne of Cleves were in attendance on the queen, and at the coronation banquet in Westminster Hall they sat on her left hand, while Gardiner sat on her right. 'Panegyrici,' in Latin verse, by John Seton (1553), and a ballad by Richard Beeard [q. v.] called 'A Godly Psalme of Marye Queene' (1553), affected to give voice to the national feeling in Mary's favour.

Mary was the first queen regnant in the history of England, and to confirm her position the council deemed it from the first essential that she should marry. Popularly it was reported that the attention she had shown to Courtenay implied that she had fixed her choice on him, and Gardiner was favourable to such a union. But although his name was long mentioned in this connection, Courtenay'8 dissolute conduct on his release from his long imprisonment soon destroyed his chances. The only other Englishman whose claims to the position of Mary's husband were discussed was Pole, who was still in minor orders. The early affection Mary had manifested for him was not forgotten; but Noaiiles, the French ambassador, at once announced to his government that Pole's age and infirmity placed him out of the reckoning. It was clear in any case that the proposal did not meet with Pole's approval. Meanwhile, the bolder spirits among