Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 15.djvu/326

 evident that the subversion of the Hamiltons, the nearest heirs after James to the Scottish crown, had immeasurably strengthened the cause of Mary. The vacant place in the leadership of the catholic party caused by Atholl's death was also soon filled by Esme Stuart, son of the grand-uncle of the king, infinitely Atholl's superior in ability, address, and unscrupulous daring. He landed at Leith from France on 8 Sept. 1579, and as early as the 2nd of the following April the whole secret of his extraordinary errand was fully known to Morton and Bowes (Bowes to Burghley, Bowes Corresp. Surtees Soc. p. 23), so far as it concerned Morton. It was to demonstrate that Morton, the chief accuser of Mary, was himself guilty of Darnley's murder. It is not improbable that Morton on first learning of Stuart's designs conceived the purpose of carrying the king to Dalkeith, and thence possibly to England, but again it is conceivable that the story was an invention of Morton's enemies. In any case, on Morton protesting his innocence and demanding the punishment of his calumniators, an act was passed on 28 April by the privy council declaring it to have been ‘invented and forgit of malice’ (Reg. iii. 283). Hardly had the alarm regarding Morton's design subsided, when another arose that Stuart, now raised to the high dignity of Earl of Lennox, had determined on 10 April to carry the king to the castle of Dumbarton and thence to France. Lennox, with equal emphasis, denied that he had knowledge of any such plot (Bowes to Walsingham, 16 April, Bowes Corresp. p. 28), but that such a project was part of the mission of Lennox is placed beyond doubt by a letter of the Archbishop of Glasgow to the general of the jesuits at Rome (, vii. 154). The project could, however, if necessary, be deferred. The polished courtesy of Lennox towards James contrasted greatly to his advantage with the rough friendliness of Morton, and when he persuaded the youthful monarch that his precocious theological dialectics had gradually undermined his catholic belief he completely won his heart. The presbyterian clergy again, in excess of congratulations over the conversion of Lennox, forgot altogether their former doubts and fears. To secure the support of a powerful section of the nobility, headed by Argyll, in any plot against Morton was perhaps the least difficult of his tasks. Between Morton and ruin there thus stood scarcely anything more than the worse than doubtful assistance of Elizabeth. Morton expressed his readiness to undertake a certain ‘platt for the common benefit’ (Bowes to Walsingham, 23 May, Bowes Corresp. p. 68), only stipulating that Elizabeth would ‘deliver the king from foreign practices by relieving him with some good liberality;’ but at last, disgusted by her double dealing, he was fain to predict that her actions were likely to serve no better purpose than to illustrate a proverb of his country: ‘The steid is stollen, let steik the stable dure’ (Morton to Burghley, 29 July 1580, ib. p. 91). At last, when Elizabeth learned that the stronghold of Dumbarton was to be delivered into the keeping of Lennox, she, on 30 Aug., empowered Bowes to incite Morton to prevent it by laying ‘violent hands on him,’ but, immediately repenting of her precipitancy, she, two days afterwards, forbad him to promise any assistance in the matter. The whole plot then came to the ears of Lennox, and Morton's fate was thus practically sealed. The king, who through Lennox was now in correspondence with his mother, was taken into the secret, and as the avowed purpose of Lennox was to avenge Darnley's death, he could not but give it his approval. Morton on being charged with treasonable dealings with England had offered himself for trial, but by an open surrender and a trial by citation the purpose of Lennox would probably have been defeated. It was therefore decided to apprehend him by surprise. An accuser was found in the reckless James Stuart, afterwards Earl of Arran. Though warned of his danger, Morton scorned to leave the court, and on 29 Dec. Stuart, with the special command of the king (ib. p. 158), accused Morton in presence of the council of the murder. Morton with great disdain denounced Stuart as a ‘perjured tool,’ upon which followed a violent scene. After both parties were removed, it was decided to apprehend Morton in his apartments in the palace, and on the second day he was removed to the castle. On the way thither some of his friends advised him to make his escape, but he chid them with great bitterness, saying ‘that he had rather die ten thousand deaths than betray his innocency in declining trial’ (, ii. 272). After a few days he was removed to the stronghold of Dumbarton. Mary, in a letter to the Archbishop of Glasgow on 12 Jan. (, v. 188), advised haste in carrying out his execution lest it should be frustrated by Elizabeth; but after the failure of a plot, contrived under the auspices of Randolph, for the seizure of the king, Lennox came to estimate the exertions of Elizabeth at their proper value, and her warlike preparations failed to terrify him. Completely discouraged by Elizabeth's indecision, the supporters of Morton made terms with the king's party, and now, certain that