Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 10.djvu/85

 them as being possibly a precursor of an attempt to resume the confiscated church property which was in their hands. It was all the more necessary for Charles to avoid irritating the religious sentiment of the Scottish people, which had abandoned any active opposition against the episcopacy introduced by James, but had retained an ineradicable aversion to anything like the ceremonial of the English church. Yet Charles chose to be crowned on 18 June by five bishops in ‘white rochets and sleeves, and copes of gold having blue silk to their feet,' and to deck the communion table 'after the manner of an altar, having behind it a rich tapestry, wherein the crucifix was curiously wrought.’

From that moment Charles lost the hearts of the Scottish people. The nobles, quick to seize their opportunity, opposed him in the parliament which followed the coronation, and it was only by his personal intervention that he secured a majority for the bills which he was anxious to see passed into law. His first act after returning to England was to order the general use of the surplice by Scottish ministers, and though the order could not be enforced its issue told heavily against Charles. To the nobles he gave fresh offence by making Archbishop Spotiswood chancellor of Scotland, and by giving seats in the privy council to other bishops.

For some time certain Scottish bishops, referring from time to time to Laud and Wren, had by Charles's orders been busily preparing a new prayer-book for Scotland. In 1636 its issue was frustrated by the issue of a ‘Book of Canons,' and in October 1636 Charles commanded the use of the prayer-book. It was not till May 1637 that it reached Scotland, and it was to be first used on 23 July at St. Giles's in Edinburgh. The Scots had had time to make up their minds that the book was probably popish and certainly English, and the nobles, for their own reasons, stirred most the flame of popular discontent. A riot in St. Giles's, followed by an almost complete unanimity of feeling in Scotland against the new book, rendered its adoption impossible.

Charles did not know, as Elizabeth had known, how to withdraw from an untenable position, and the position in which he had now arrived was one from which even Elizabeth could hardly have withdrawn with dignity. If Charles were to give way in Scotland, he could hardly avoid giving way in England. His government in both countries was supported by the prestige of ancient rights in defiance of popular feeling, and if popular feeling was to have its way in one country it would soon have its way in the other. On 10 Sept. he directed the enforcement of his order for the use of the prayer-book. Fresh riots broke out at Edinburgh. The opponents of the prayer-book formed four committees, usually known as the ‘tables,’ to represent their case, and the 'tables' practically became the informal government of Scotland.

Charles did his best to explain his intentions, but Scotland wanted the absolute withdrawal of the obnoxious book, and at the end of February 1638 the national covenant, binding all who adopted it to resist any attack on their religion to the death, was produced in Edinburgh and eagerly signed. For some months copies of the covenant were scattered over the country and accepted with enthusiasm.

Charles knew that the movement was directed against himself. In May he offered not to press the canons and the service book except in 'a fair and legal way;' but at the same time he asked for the absolute abandonment of the covenant. He sent the Marquis of Hamilton to Scotland to mediate, and by his advice he drew back step after step till he at last agreed to let the prayer-book drop, and to summon an assembly to meet to settle matters of religion.

The assembly met at Glasgow on 21 Nov. and proceeded to summon the bishops before it for judgment. On 28 Nov. Hamilton dissolved the assembly. In spite of the dissolution it continued to sit, deposed the bishops, and re-established presbyterianism. Charles maintained that he had a right to dissolve assemblies and parliaments, and to refuse his assent to their acts. The constitutional rights of the crown thus came into collision with the determinate will of the nation.

Only an army could enforce obedience in Scotland, and Charles had no money to pay an English army for any length of time. Yet he hoped by calling out trained bands, especially in the northern counties, which were hostile to the Scots, and by asking for a voluntary contribution to support them, to have force on his side long enough to beat down a resistance which he underestimated. On 27 Feb. 1639 he issued a proclamation declaring the religion of Scotland to be safe in his hands, and asserting that the Scots were aiming at the destruction of monarchical government.

On 30 March Charles arrived at York to appeal to arms, believing that he had to deal with the nobility alone, and that if he could reach the Scottish people he would find them loyally responsive. He issued a proclamation offering a reduction of 50 per cent. to all tenants who took his side against rebels. He could not even get his proclamation read in Scotland, except at Dunse, where he sent