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 confirmed by Monck 5 June 1658, no oaths being required of the Camerons but their word of honour, and permission being granted them to carry their arms as formerly. Reparation was also made to Cameron for the wood cut down by the garrison at Inverlochy, and for other losses, as well as indemnity for all acts of depredation committed by his men. When Monck marched south to London with the design of restoring Charles II, he was accompanied by Cameron, who was present when Charles made his entry into London. He was received at court with every mark of favour, but his services on behalf of the royal cause met with little substantial recognition. Through the influence of the Duke of Lauderdale his claims on certain of the forfeited lands of Argyll were not only disregarded, but a commission of fire and sword was used against him as a rebellious man who held certain lands in high contempt of royal authority. The chief of the Macintoshes who undertook to execute this commission was easily worsted by Cameron. Though Charles on one occasion facetiously alluded to Cameron in his presence as the ‘king of thieves,’ it does not appear that Lauderdale received from Charles much countenance in his procedure against him, which proved practically fruitless. In 1681 Cameron visited Holyrood to solicit the pardon of some of his men, who, by mistake, had fired with fatal effect on a party of the Atholl men. His request was immediately granted, and he received the honour of knighthood.

The restoration of Argyll to his estates in 1689 was not more distasteful to any other of the highland chiefs than it was to Cameron, who had taken possession of a part of his forfeited lands. It was at Cameron's house in Lochaber, an immense pile of timber, that, in answer to the summons of the fiery cross, the clans gathered in 1690 under Dundee, and although overtures were made to him from the government promising him concessions from Argyll, and even offering him a sum of money to hold aloof from the rebellion, he declined to return to them any answer. His influence was of immense importance to Dundee, who at a council of war proposed a scheme for bringing the clans under similar discipline to that of a regular army, but Cameron on behalf of the chiefs strongly opposed it. It was chiefly owing to his advice that Dundee resolved to attack General Mackay as he was entering the pass of Killiecrankie. ‘Fight, my lord,’ he said, ‘fight immediately; fight if you have only one to three. Our men are in heart. Their only fear is that the enemy should escape. Give them their way, and be assured that they will either perish or win a complete victory.’ These words decided Dundee. Cameron strongly advised Dundee to be content with overlooking the arrangements and issuing the commands, but without success. When the word was given to advance, Cameron took off his shoes and charged barefooted at the head of his clan, Mackay's own foot being the division of the enemy which by the impetuous rush of the Camerons were driven into headlong flight. After the death of Dundee, Cameron, in order to prevent the coalition of the clans from breaking up, was strong for energetic action against Mackay, and on his advice being disregarded by General Cannon, he retired to Lochaber, leaving his eldest son in command of his men. Shortly afterwards General Cannon was defeated at Dunkeld, and the highlanders returned home. A gathering of the clans was planned for the following summer. Cameron was then in bed from a wound at first believed to be mortal, which he had received in endeavouring to prevent a combat. When Breadalbane endeavoured to induce the clans to give in their submission, on the promise of a considerable sum of money, Cameron at first endeavoured to thwart the negotiations, having very strong doubts as to Breadalbane's real intentions; but after the proclamation of August 1692 requiring submission by 1 January following, he ceased to advise further resistance. ‘I will not,’ he said, ‘break the ice; that is a point of honour with me; but my tacksmen and people may use their freedom.’ In the rebellion of 1714, being too infirm to lead his vassals, he entrusted the command of them to his son. The result of the battle of Sheriffmuir caused him much chagrin, and having inquired into the conduct of his clan in the battle, he mourned their degeneracy with great bitterness, saying of them to his son: ‘The older they grow the more cowardice; for in Oliver's days your grandfather with his men could fight double their number, as I right well remember’ ( History of the Rebellion in 1715, pp. 197–8). Writing in 1717 Patten says of Cameron: ‘He is a gentleman though old of a sound judgment, and yet very healthful and strong in constitution.’ This is corroborated by the account of his death in the Balhadie papers (Memoir of Sir Ewen Cameron, editor's introduction, p. 24): ‘His eyes retained their former vivacity, and his sight was so good in his ninetieth year, that he could discern the most minute object, and read the smallest print; nor did he so much as want a tooth, which to me seemed as white and close as one would have imagined they were in the twentieth year of his age.’ He died of a high fever in February 1719. In his