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 of the East India Company, he opposed the renewal of their charter in 1853. Bright also kept a vigilant eye on attempts to revive or enhance protective duties. For session after session, until their repeal in 1848, he denounced those in favour of West Indian sugar. He devoted himself to the realisation of the liberal formula, peace, retrenchment, and reform, supporting Cobden's motion (26 Feb. 1849) for the reduction of the expenditure by ten millions, opposing Disraeli's proposal (15 March 1849) to relieve the landlords' local rates, and speaking in favour of 's [q. v.] reform bill (4 June 1849). This subject now began to assume predominant importance in Bright's mind. Scarcely was the league dissolved when Cobden conceived the idea of a similar organisation as an engine for effecting further reforms, to be called 'The Commons' League.' It took shape in January 1849 at a great meeting in Manchester, at which Cobden advocated financial and Bright parliamentary reform. It soon became apparent that if the new league was to make way it must concentrate attention upon one object. As to which this should be Bright and Cobden differed. Bright was also of opinion that Cobden's favourite scheme, the multiplication of bona fide forty-shilling freeholders, was an inadequate machinery, though he supported it by becoming president in 1851 of a freehold land society at Rochdale, which added some five hundred voters to the constituency. Both Cobden and Bright attended numerous meetings during 1850, in which they set forth their respective proposals. .But the difference between their views, though a question of tactics rather than of principle, insensibly paralysed the effectiveness of the new organisation.

When, at the opening of the year 1851, frenzy seized the public mind at the assumption by the Roman catholic prelates of territorial 'titles, Bright kept his head. At a meeting of reformers at the Albion Hotel, Manchester, on 23 Jan. 1851, he spoke contemptuously of the 'old women of both sexes who have been frightening themselves to death about this papal aggression.' He twice spoke against Lord John Russell's ecclesiastical titles bill (7 Feb. and 12 May). The liberality of his religious views was shown by his speech on 21 July against Lord John Russell's resolution excluding Alderman Salomons [see ] from the House of Commons until he had taken the usual oath. When this question of Jewish disabilities came up again in 1853 Bright delivered a speech (15 April) in which he expressed upon this protracted struggle the view which many years after was accepted by the legislature, 'that the Commons' House of England is open to the Commons of England, and that every man, be his creed what it may, if elected by a constituency of his countrymen, may sit and vote.' As a friend of liberty abroad as well as at home Bright moved an address to Kossuth at the Free Trade Hall on 11 Nov. His action was a challenge not only to the tories but to those aristocratic whigs whose mouthpiece. Lord Palmerston, had congratulated the Austrian government on the close of the struggle in Hungary.

In February 1852 the hopes of the protectionists were revived by the accession of the Earl of Derby to power. The queen's speech hinted at revision of the free trade legislation, and Bright with Cobden sprang to arms. They summoned a meeting at Manchester of the council of the league. The general election took place in July. Milner-Gibson and Bright were returned for Manchester (9 July) by 5,752 and 5,476 votes respectively, a majority to Bright of 1,115 over his conservative opponent.

During the recess Bright resumed his attention to Irish affairs. He crossed the Channel, and on 4 Oct. was entertained at a banquet at Belfast in celebration of the victory of free trade. On 25 Oct. he addressed from Rochdale a long letter to the editor of the 'Freeman's Journal' [see ]. In this he denounced suggestions made by Lord J. Russell and Lord Grey for concurrent endowment in Ireland, and elaborated a scheme on lines subsequently followed by Gladstone for the disestablishment and disendowment of the Irish church.

When parliament met in November the free traders resolved to extort from Lord Derby's ministry an explicit adhesion to free trade policy. Ministers were invited in Villiers's amendment to the address, supported by Bright in a remarkably brilliant speech, to endorse the legislation of 1846 as 'wise, just, and beneficial.' A successful diversion was, however, made by Palmerston in the ministry's favour, to the indignation of Cobden and his following. The feeling between the radicals and the whigs excluded Cobden and Bright from any place in the Aberdeen administration formed on the resignation of Lord Derby (17 Dec.)

To the panic of papal aggression now succeeded the panic of a French invasion. As before. Bright and Cobden remained cool, and at a meeting in the Free Trade Hall at Manchester on 27 Jan. 1863 endeavoured to allay public excitement. During