Page:Dictionary of National Biography, Third Supplement.djvu/476

 affectionately bound to one who for him was certainly leader rather than chairman.

In parliament, Redmond's gifts showed themselves to the greatest advantage. He understood the House of Commons as well as Parnell, but from a different standpoint; he liked and respected it, and always held the belief that from the platform which it afforded he could persuade England into accepting Home Rule. Unlike Parnell, Redmond scarcely ever missed a division in the House of Commons; but he had inherited from Parnell the belief that a leader might to some degree hold himself aloof, and the privacy which he loved was much happier after he married in 1899 his second wife, Miss Ada Beazley. Nearly all the time when parliament was not sitting was spent at Aughavanagh, an old shooting lodge of Parnell's which he had bought, remote in the Wicklow mountains.

The Irish leader's difficulties began when the liberal party attained power (1906). Mr. Asquith's section of it had pledged themselves to go no farther than the instalment of administrative Home Rule known as ‘devolution’, which Redmond had denounced on the eve of the election as affording ‘absolutely no remedy for the state of grievances admitted’. Yet he had no choice but to give Irish support in Great Britain to liberals, except where there was a labour candidate, and the sweeping liberal victory was accepted as a triumph for Ireland.

The first important measure of the new government was an English Education Bill which roused hostility from the Roman Catholic Church. Yet on this Bill Redmond contrived by skilful management to earn the thanks of Archbishop Bourne, and still to support the Bill, in which he had gained certain amendments, in its final stage. When at the close of a year's work the Lords threw out the measure, Redmond, knowing that the liberals had shirked Home Rule because its certain rejection by the upper House meant either its abandonment or a contest to change the English constitution for the sake of Ireland, urged an immediate appeal to the electors. There was now a chance to challenge the veto of the peers on a purely English issue. But his counsel was rejected; and, for Ireland, the proposed measure of devolution became now the main interest. By the end of 1906, Redmond was convinced that the Bill would not be acceptable. Yet liberal ministers were confident that Ireland would receive their proposals gladly, and Redmond pledged himself in advance that a full convention of his supporters should decide. In the opinion of Mr. Hayden, one of his ablest and most trusted colleagues, the character of Redmond's speech on the first reading was due to a loyal observance of his pledge that the decision should be left to Ireland; and on the morning after the debate, Redmond sent for Mr. Hayden to show him the motion of rejection which he proposed to put to the convention. None the less, the House of Commons had taken his speech for a guarded acceptance, and in Ireland his moving of the rejection was considered as an enforced concession to popular feeling.

Nothing in all Redmond's career before the European War so shook his prestige or that of his party as this episode; but he recovered his ground by a powerful campaign carried throughout Ireland, speaking in every centre of importance, and thus bringing himself into touch with many thousands to whom he had been but a name. His oratory never had the power to excite; but it could convince; and wherever he spoke he left the impression not only of high eloquence but of courage and complete sincerity.

The chance given to his policy by the conflict over Mr. Lloyd George's budget of 1909 brought with it new difficulties, for many Irish interests were hard hit by the measure; and after the general election an Irish opposition under Mr. William O'Brien and Mr. Healy came back stronger than the Parnellite party had been in 1892. But the elections in England had placed the Irish leader in a position to turn the scale, and his decisive stand, when Mr. Asquith showed signs of avoiding the direct issue of the Lords' veto, greatly increased his authority both in Ireland and in parliament; while a tour in America (at the close of 1910) enabled him to refill his party chest for the election which took place in December 1910 and to assure himself of enthusiastic support throughout the Irish world. The passing of the Parliament Act in 1911 was regarded by Ireland and by himself as largely due to the power of the Irish party. In the English constituencies Redmond and the cause for which he stood were no longer unpopular. From 1908 onwards he spoke at many centres in Great Britain; and his personal dignity, the moderation of his tone, and the magnanimity which was his best characteristic, contributed more than the work of all other men to change England's policy on this question.

But the real difficulty which Redmond 450