Page:Dictionary of Christian Biography and Literature (1911).djvu/658

 Arnobius is limited to a refutation of the polytheism of the day and the popular objections to Christianity; that of Lactantius, like the City of God by St. Augustine, which cites Lactantius with approval (xviii. 23), first exposes the false religions, but also expounds the true. It has been analysed by Cave briefly (Hist. Lit. i. 162), by Le Nourry thoroughly (ap. Migne, Patr. Lat. vi. 825), by Dupin, with his accustomed vivacity (E. H. vol. i. 185–187, Eng. trans. by W. W.), and by Mountain (Summary of the Writings of Lactantius, i. 129). It is trans. in full, with notes, in the ''Ante-Nicene Lib. ''(T. &amp; T. Clark).

The tract de Opificio Dei may challenge comparison with Cicero's de Naturâ Deorum in point of style and is far superior to it in depth and originality. The tract de Irâ Dei, against the Epicureans and Stoics, is intended to prove God as capable of anger as of compassion and mercy. The tract de Morte Persecutorum is a collection of historical facts tending to show that all the emperors who persecuted the Christians died miserably, and may be compared with Spelman's de non Temerandis Ecclesiis of modern times.

As for his theology, the indulgence should be shewn him that all breakers of new ground may claim. Tertullian was the model that he looked up to most: and no writer had as yet eclipsed Origen. His account of the origin of all things (Inst. ii. 9) reminds us of the speeches of Raphael and Abdiel in Paradise Lost (v. 577 and 808). We cannot read his latest exposition of the Incarnation (Epit. c. 43) without discovering in it some well-known phrases of the Athanasian Creed—e.g. "The same person is the Son of God and of man, for He was twice born: first of God in the Spirit before the origin of the world; and afterwards in the flesh of man, in the reign of Augustus." Dupin, after having expatiated on his many merits, sums up very justly: "He is accused of doubting whether the Holy Ghost was the third Person, and to have sometimes confounded him with the Son, and sometimes with the Father; but it may be alleged in his defence that he meant nothing else but that the name of the Spirit in Scripture is common to the Father and the Son. But whatever the matter is, we find no footsteps of this error in any of his works, what are now remaining; though in some places he takes occasion to speak of the Holy Ghost. He seems to be of opinion that the Word was generated in time; but it is an easy matter to give a Catholic sense to that expression, as we have seen it done to others: and we may be with justice allowed to do so, since he plainly establishes the Divinity of the Word in that very place."

For further particulars see besides authorities already cited, Le Nourry (Apparat, ad Bibl. Max. Vet. Pat. t. ii. diss. 3), Fabricius (Bibl. Lat. lib. xi.), Oudin (de Script. Eccl. t. i. p. 307), Lardner (Cred. pt. ii. bk. i. c. 65), Schramm (Anal. Op. SS. Pat. vol. vii. p. 250), Fessler (Inst. Patrol. vol. i. p. 328), ''Nouv. Biog. Gen.'' vol. xxviii. p. 611. See esp. Brandt in ''Sitzungsberichte der phil.-histor. Klasse der Kgl. Akud der Wissensh.'' (Vienna, 1889–1891), cxviii.–cxxv.

[E.S.FF.]

Laeghaire (2) (Lagerie, phonetically Leary), pagan monarch of Ireland, reigning at Tara in the county of Meath. In the fifth year of his reign St. Patrick, having spent the winter in the counties of Down and Antrim, in the spring determined to hold his Easter festival near Laeghaire's palace. The monarch, surrounded by his nobles and his Druid priests, saw with wonder and rage the distant light of the Christian paschal fire which was to quench the lights of heathendom, and rode over in force to Ferta-fer-Feic to expel the intruder. But mollified by the stranger's address, or frightened by his words of power, he allowed the Christian mission to be established. We can hardly believe that he continued a persecutor while such progress was made in the spread of the Gospel around him and in his own family. His queen may perhaps have become a Christian; his two daughters, Fedhelm the ruddy and Eithne the fair, were certainly converted and numbered among the saints. Several of his descendants (Reeves, St. Adamnan, 173) are beatified.

He probably died a pagan. The Four Masters give the date as 458, but 463 is more likely (Ann. Tig., eo an., ap. O'Conor, Rer. Hib. Script. iv. 111). He reigned probably 35 years. His body was carried to and buried at Tara, in the S.E. side of the external rampart, with his weapons upon him, and his face turned towards the Lagenians, as if still fighting against them. Vitae S. Patricii, ap. Colgan, ''Tr. Thaum. pass.; Lanigan, Ch. Hist. Ir. i. c. 5; Moore, Hist. Ir. i. c. 10; O'Hanlon, Ir. Saints, i. 163 seq.; Nennius, Hist.'' c. 59, ap. ''Mon. Hist. Brit.'' pt. ii. 72; Keating, ''Gen. Hist. Ir.'' B. ii. pp. 325 seq.; Four Mast. by O'Donovan, i. 144–145 n. g; Wills, ''Ill. Ir. i. 60; Skene, Celt. Scot.'' ii. 100 seq. 428 seq.; Todd, St. Patrick, 6 seq.; Joyce, Irish Names of Places, d ser. 230–231.

[J.G.]

Lampetius. [.]

Laurentius (10), antipope, elected on the same day as Symmachus, four days after the decease of Anastasius II., which, according to Pagi (Critic. in. Baron.), occurred on Nov. 22, 498, Laurentius being brought forward in the interests of concession, Symmachus in the interests of unbending orthodoxy. Fierce conflicts ensued. The members of the senate as well as the clergy were arrayed in two parties. At length it was agreed to refer the settlement to Theodoric the Ostrogoth, now reigning at Ravenna as king of Italy, and he pronounced Symmachus the lawful pope (Anastas.). Laurentius at first acquiesced, and accepted the see of Nucerina, but his partisans at Rome recalled him, and for three years after his election Rome was divided into two parties, headed by Festus and Probinus on the side of Laurentius, and by Faustus on the side of Symmachus. Anastasius states that "those who communicated with Symmachus were slain with the sword; holy women and virgins were dragged from their houses or convents, denuded and scourged; there were daily fights against the church in the midst of the city; many priests were killed; there was no security for walking in the city by day or night. The ex-consul Faustus alone fought for the church." His account implies that more influential laymen were on the side of Laurentius, but that the