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 an independent people, and this feeling rendered compliance with the federal authority more easy. But when one of the confederate states reckons, like the state of New York, two millions of inhabitants, and covers an extent of territory equal in surface to a quarter of France, it feels its own strength: and although it may continue to support the Union as advantageous to its prosperity, it no longer regards that body as necessary to its existence; and, as it continues to belong to the federal compact, it soon aims at preponderance in the federal assemblies. The probable unanimity of the states is diminished as their number increases. At present the interests of the different parts of the Union are not at variance; but who is able to foresee the multifarious changes of the future, in a country in which towns are founded from day to day, and states almost from year to year? Since the first settlement of the British colonies, the number of inhabitants has about doubled every twenty-two years. I perceive no causes which are likely to check this progressive increase of the Anglo-American population for the next hundred years; and before that space of time has elapsed, I believe that the territories and dependancies of the United States will be covered by more than a hundred millions of inhabitants, and divided into forty states. I admit that these hundred millions of men have no hostile interests; I suppose on the contrary, that they are all equally interested in the maintenance of the Union; but I am still of opinion, that where there are a hundred millions of men, and forty distinct nations unequally strong, the continuance of the federal government can only be a fortunate accident.

Whatever faith I may have in the perfectibility of man, until