Page:Debates in the Several State Conventions, v5.djvu/127

1787.] brought forward to the king of Spain by some person connected with the western country, but that his majesty's dignity and character could never countenance it. It was replied, that that consideration was no doubt a sufficient obstacle, but it was presumed, that such subjects would not be very convenient to Spain. It would be much more for the interest of Spam that they should be friendly neighbors than refractory subjects. It did not appear that he viewed the matter in a different light. Eighthly, he disclaimed his having ever assented to, or approved of, any limited occlusion of the Mississippi, though in a manner that did not speak a real inflexibility on that point. Ninthly, it appeared clearly that the check to the western settlements was a favorite object, and that the occlusion of the Mississippi was considered as having that tendency. Tenthly, the futility of many of his arguments and answers satisfied the delegates that they could not appear convincing to himself, and that he was of course pursuing rather the ideas of his court than his own.$56$

, March 30.

Mr. Jay's report in favor of the admission of Phineas Bond as British consul for the Middle States, was called for by Mr. CADWALADER. Mr. MADISON said, he was far from being satisfied of the propriety of the measure; he was a friend in general to a liberal policy, and admitted that the United States were more in the wrong, in the violation of the treaty of peace, than Great Britain; but still the latter was not blameless. He thought, however, the question turned on different considerations: first, the facility of the United States in granting privileges to Great Britain without a treaty of commerce, instead of begetting a disposition to conclude such a treaty, had been found, on trial, to be made a reason against it; secondly, the indignity of Great Britain in neglecting to send a public minister to the United States, notwithstanding the lapse of time since Mr. Adams's arrival there, gave them no title to favors in that line; and self-respect seemed to require that the United States should at least proceed with distrust and reserve.

Mr. GRAYSON thought, as the secretary had done, that it would be good policy to admit Mr. Bond, and that it could not be decently, and without offence, refused after the admission of Mr. Temple.

Mr. CLARK said, he was at first puzzled how to vote, as he did not like the admission proposed, on one hand, and, on the other, thought it not decent to refuse it after the admission of Mr. Temple. On reflecting, however, that Mr. Temple was admitted at a time when hopes were entertained of a commercial treaty, which had since vanished, and that the question might be postponed generally without being negatived, he should accede to the idea of doing nothing on the subject.

Mr. VARNUM animadverted on the obnoxious character of Mr. Bond, and conceived that alone a sufficient reason for not admitting him. The postponement was agreed to without any overt dissent except that of Mr. Grayson.

The delegates from North Carolina communicated to Congress sundry papers conspiring with the other proofs of discontent in the western country at the supposed surrender of the Mississippi, and of hostile machinations against the Spaniards.

It was ordered that they should be referred to the secretary of foreign affairs for his information. It was then moved that the papers relative to the same subjects from Virginia, yesterday referred to a committee, should, after discharging the committee, be referred to the office of foreign affairs. Mr. CLARK proposed to add "to report." This was objected to by Mr. KING, and brought on some general observations on the proceedings of Congress in the affair of the Mississippi. It was at length agreed that the reference be made without an instruction to report. Mr. PIERCE then observed, that it had been hinted by Mr. Madison, as proper, to instruct the secretary of foreign affairs to lay before Congress the state of his negotiation with Mr. Guardoqui, and made a motion to that effect, which was seconded by several at once.

Mr. KING hoped Congress would not be hurried into a decision on that point, observing that it was a very delicate one. But he did not altogether like it; and yet it was of such a nature that it might appear strange to negative it. He desired that it might at least lie over till Monday.

Mr. MADISON concurred in wishing the same, being persuaded that the propriety of the motion was so clear, that nothing could produce dissent, unless it were forcing members into an unwilling decision.