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 Hong Kong, were then thought of sufficient weight and value, to necessitate our persisting, in our demands of the cession, upon the reluctant Chinese Plenipotentiaries, it may not be altogether idle now, in 1859, to ascertain whether it be indeed true, as asserted, that the design is already, after a sixteen years' trial, effectually frustrated, and this by the rapacious, corrupt, and felonious actings, of the very men to whom the experiment had been entrusted.

And, to put it on the lowest ground, that of personal grievance,—if it be indeed the fact, that men of honour, after having been tempted by Government to quit their proper sphere at home, and to take their part in the administration of justice to that "little community," upon the faith of being supported in their performance of that important branch of the model experiment, have been insulted, degraded, and deprived of their bread, through the influence of pirates, and other criminals, in the councils of the local Government—is it too much to expect, that their cause will be judged, and avenged, by the great community which sent them forth, upon a mission so requited?

But then, it is said, (and an honourable member who borrows the thought, quotes, in its favour, to his constituents, the supposed precedent of the Ceylon case), why not hold your enquiry at Hong Kong? Why trouble the mother country? Why demand a judgment upon evidence not laid before the judges?

The objection answers itself.

Any one, who knows the routine of Downing Street, is aware, that, in all cases like the present, the accused Colonial official has the last word.