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 upon by the parliamentary and the industrial labour movement. Unfortunately, since then it has been left in the background by the parliamentary movement.

On several occasions the T.U.C. Negotiating Committee reaffirmed its declaration of the 26th February, as given above and reassured the miners’ representatives that they would use every effort to defend our present low standards.

Herbert Smith, our president, had repeatedly pointed out that our position was such as we could not continue even as we are for very long, owing to our low wages and irregular work. Therefore, we must at all costs resist the attack upon our wages and hours.

It was well known to the leaders of the Labour Movement that the owners and the Government were determined not only to reduce wages in the mining industry but also to lengthen hours, and we felt that in view of our stand against the attempts of the employers to attack the railwaymen, dockers, teachers, municipal employés, and others, we had a right to expect the other workers to support us when our standard of living was being attacked. A defeat of the miners would prove—as 1921 proved—a defeat and demoralisation of the whole working-class movement.

I will not weary the reader with what is now so well known—the story of the various developments in regard to the mining question up to the lock-out. One thing I want to make clear. The British coalowners had declared publicly, long before the Commission’s Report came out, that they would never again meet the miners’ representatives; never again submit to National Agreements, and that they would again insist on district settlements—and thus break up the power, the unity and solidarity of the mine worker—which has developed so markedly since the building up of the Miners’ Federation.