Page:Congressional Record Volume 81 Part 3.djvu/9

1937 of the war. Competent authorities estimate the annual crime bill of the United States to exceed $12,000,000,000. In addition to all this we have incurred the enmity and hate of those whom we tried to save. We are called “the shylock”, as Kipling says in his Hymn of Hate:

My friends, never, never more must we be misled by the mirage of war profits. Never, never more must we lend our ears to the siren song of the emissaries from abroad to Join them in the dance of death. We can do only one thing in legislation to keep our country out of wars, and that is prevent any unnecessary involvements with those countries at war. The only way this can be done is to keep our people from being killed at sea and keep our goods from being sunk or seised by belligerent nations. May this measure be so amended as to achieve this purpose. [Applause.]

Mr. HAINES. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the pro-forma amendment.

Mr. Chairman, perhaps no subject in this Congress is being watched with more interest than that of neutrality. As a nation, we want to be at peace with the world, and the efforts that have been made by our own country in the past to keep us out of war, I am sure, win meet with the approval of any fair-minded man or woman anywhere. There seems to be an idea prevalent throughout the Nation that by the passage of neutrality legislation we can keep out of war. I do not believe it is possible for the Congress to pass any legislation that will accomplish this, but we can enact into law legislation that will contribute to peace by preventing all shipments of war materials and control the conduct of our people with certain limitations that will greatly aid us in this objective. I want to compliment the Committee on Foreign Affairs for the fine bill they are presenting to the House for consideration, and to say that it is my purppse to support the bill because I believe it to be sound and that it will contribute to peace, even though it may not do all we desire.

As I understand this bill, whenever the President issues a proclamation that a state of war exists between two nations, this bill provides that thereafter it shall be unlawful to export or attempt to export or cause to be exported arms, ammunition, or any other implements of war to any belligerent country or to any neutral country for transshipment to a nation at war; but, of course, Mr. Chairman, we have a law like this at the present time, but it will expire on May 1, and what we are attempting to do now in this bill is to have a permanent law on the statute books of the United States. There has been an addition made, however, to the existing law which covers civil strife whenever such civil strife reaches a point where it might be called warfare, and whenever the President has to issue another proclamation showing that our neutrality is involved, in order to save the lives in commerce of the United States. The bill also provides that the President, by proclamation, shall state definitely the arms, ammunition, or implements of war which are prohibitive. Under the provisions of this bill—if its provisions are enacted. Into law—they can come here and buy articles from us. but they must pay for them immediately. In other words, the ownership must immediately be transferred to the consignee. We might not have been involved in the last war had this been done, but it will be remembered that American citizens retained ownership of commodities they sold belligerents until they were delivered at the point of destination—hence American citizens were deprived of their rights and had their property destroyed, which finally led us into the World War. It is rather difficult to look to the future and undertake to tell what kind of a war may arise, or what may be necessary to keep us out of war, but I do believe that America should not abandon its rights to the freedom of the seas: and, if I understand this bill correctly, Mr. Chairman, it does permit us to do business with belligerents so long as it is not in the war tone or area. For example, if Great Britain were to go to war with some other nation, under the provisions of this bill, it would not prevent us from doing business with Canada, and it seems to me that there Ia nothing wrong with a provision that permits us to do this. We certainly dare not destroy our shipping interests when there is no necessity for it, and especially when the war zone is in another part of the world. There are some limitations, however, which are left to the discretion of the President.

I believe that the history of the United States will prove conclusively that our Presidents of the past have been peace* minded Just as much as the Congress, and inasmuch as the Constitution of the United States provides that this power shall be delegated to the President, I can see no force to the argument that this is a surrender of the power of Congress. In another section of the bill the President is given discretion In naming commodities; I think this Is a wise thing to do, because all commodities might not be considered contraband, but whenever they were declared to be contraband the President would likely name every commodity contraband that an American vessel could not carry aboard. The United States trades with practically all of the world, and we certainly do not want to sacrifice our world trade by passing legislation that would drive trade away from us. So I think this is a wise provision In the bill that does not prevent us from doing business with the balance of the world, even though those nations be at war, so long as we can maintain our neutrality. We certainly do not want to deny to our people the right to visit Canada in the event England might be at war with some other nation, because the records will show that we have many thousands of people In the United States who have homes In Canada, have business interests in Canada, and what is true of Canada is likewise true in many other parts of the world.

I am in entire accord, Mr. Chairman, with the provision that prohibits making loans or extending any credit to Governments that are engaged in war, and I think this is a very wise provision. If we are to remain a neutral people, it is wise that we keep our people as neutral as possible, and that, of course, is the objective we are seeking in this legislation. It is perfectly obvious that no matter where war starts you will find people in our own country taking sides, and for this reason I am in accord with the provision that makes it illegal to solicit contributions to be handed to certain favored groups unless these contributions are for humanitarian purposes.

In section 6 of the bill we deal with American vessels carrying arms, which is prohibited, and Is a law at the present time.

In section 7 it refers to the use of American ports as a base of supply, which is also an existing law. In writing legislation of this sort, Mr. Chairman, we must consider all of our nationals. We have a great many American citizens who live on the various islands of the sea, and unless we would have the provision that permits them to get off those islands they would be marooned there unless the President can prescribe that they can leave on other vessels than those flying the American flag. This may not be a perfect bill, but, as I indicated before, I do not believe that any neutrality legislation can be written that will guarantee to the American people the full measure of peace that we so anxiously seek, but I do think that this is a step in the right direction, and I sincerely trust that the bill will meet with the. approval of the great mass of American people. I am sure that it is an honest effort to stay out of war. Our people will never agree that we become Isolationists and separate ourselves entirely from the balance of the world, and in this measure we certainly do not surrender all of our rights guaranteed to us under international law... I hope that the day may never come that this fair land of ours must again send its manhood and womanhood to war, because I have observed that war never settles anything, but in its stead it brings intense suffering and sorrow to countless thousands of men, women, and children. I also believe, Mr. Chairman,'that the greatest safeguard we have for peace is adequate preparation, so that the balance of the world may know that while we are a