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1937 Mr. PISH. Yes.

Mr. SIROVICH. The gentleman stated he is sincere in including a prohibition against the shipment of arms, ammunition, and implements of war in time of peace as well as in time of war. Is that right?

Mr. FISH. That is right.

Mr. SIROVICH. The other day during the consideration of the bill I asked the difference between ammunition and munitions and was told that munitions were raw material

Mr. FISH. That Is right.

Mr. SIROVICH. Which could be converted into arms, ammunition, and implements of war. Why not include munitions, then?

Mr. FISH. Because then you would have a total embargo; you would have a Jeffersonian embargo, and I am absolutely against that. [Applause.]

tHere the gavel fell.]

Mr. McREYNOLDS. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I am very much surprised that the gentleman from New York [Mr. Fish] should offer this amendment when he is the ranking man on the Foreign Affairs Committee and has never even suggested such an amendment prior to this time. I hardly think he hopes to get anywhere with the amendment, but that it is offered for publicity.

As you know, my friend, the gentleman from New York [Mr. Fish], when he wants to get something through the House, always states, “Now, this is nonpartisan”, and yet the gentleman cannot make a speech on this floor without getting into partisanship before he concludes. How many on this floor from the reading of the amendment know what it is aside from the gentleman who has a copy of it? You heard him say that this is nonpartisan, and I say to you that that is what this discussion ought to be, but I challenge him now to cite any instance when he has been on this floor in favor of a bill that came out of the Foreign Affairs Committee since Franklin D. Roosevelt has been President, and although he may have supported an amendment the gentleman cannot cite an instance where he did not criticize the President before he got through with his speech.

Mr. FISH. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. McREYNOLDS. Tell me one instance.

Mr. FISH. I shall be very pleased to tell the gentleman, because the gentleman has placed his name on all of these bills giving the President the power

Mr. McREYNOLDS. Just tell me one instance.

Mr. FISH. Giving the President the power to determine the aggressor nation, and I have opposed every one of them.

Mr. McREYNOLDS. Has not the gentleman criticized the President with respect to every bill that has come in here? Mr. FISH. And I have been justified in doing that, because every one the gentleman has brought in has been wrong.

Mr. McREYNOLDS. This has been true ever since the gentleman has been on the Foreign Affairs Committee, and yet he always states that it is nonpartisan. Such sentiment ought not to be considered by the committee at this time. The gentleman was on the committee and this amendment could have been considered If he had wanted it considered, and I do not think my position requires any further argument. I know this House is not going to uphold such procedure. (Applause.]

Mr. HOOK. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike out the last word.

Mr. Chairman, the subject to which I am about to address myself, to all intents and purposes, may not be a part of this bill, and before I enter into the discussion I want it understood that I have voted for every single piece of labor legislation that has come before the House since I have been a Member of the Congress; but when people desecrate the noble, real, honest labor organizations by setting up false fronts and masquerade under the guise of true labor organizations and as such enters the field of anarchy, then it is about time that the Members of this House and the people of this Nation take cognizance of the fact. [Applause.] A situation has arisen in the great State of Michigan that is not local, but is national in its scope. Oh, the Supreme Court of the United States, in a few of its late decisions by usurpation of legislative duties, declared certain acts of Congress unconstitutional, and has laid down the law that labor and agriculture are local problems, and how far afield have they gone? Both labor and agriculture are national problems and nothing could illustrate this any stronger than the present sit-down strikes, that are in their nature nothing more or less than outright anarchy. I pray to our Lord that the President’s proposal to reorganize the courts will be enacted with all haste so that we here in Washington will be able to pass legislation to cope with this serious condition which threatens the very foundation of our democratic government. *

In the city of Detroit today self-constituted leaders of outlaw organizations and their sympathizers are marching by the thousands. Last Saturday, I am informed, somewhere around 20,000 of them paraded around the courthouse in the great city of Detroit and by noise stopped the action of the courts. The fair name of labor, I say, is being besmirched by those who would impose their communistic tendencies on honest labor leaders. The honest labor leaders are not in sympathy with the actions of these vandals.'

I am reliably informed that the false labor leaders—these anarchists, if I must say it—who are a disgrace to real, honest labor, have gone into private business places and have confiscated the keys of such private business places, have taken cliarge and have put up signs, “Information booth here", and have run the owners out on the streets. Today in Detroit I understand open warfare is carried on in defiance of organized society.

I have the highest respect for Gov. Frank Murphy, of Michigan. No man’s heart beats more true to the cause of labor and the common masses than his. No man has worked harder and has been more sincere in his efforts to cope with the sinister forces of fascism and communism. He has disregarded them and has dedicated himself to the great spiritual movement known as humanism. He is attempting to restore men to their rights without bloodshed, without display of brute force, and without turning away from the course of real Americanism. You will recall the wonderful work he did in the Flint strike in behalf of labor, and now there are those of communistic tendencies—yes, anarchistic actions—who are taking advantage of his kindness, his fine attitude, to further their own selfish interests. I understand he has made the statement—

That neither party to any dispute can take a position in defiance of the law. The public authorities charged with the responsibility for the protection of the public are prepared to use proper means to this end.

He further stated, "All labor disputes can be adjusted peaceably through negotiations.’’ Therefore you may rest assured that he in his fairness wants to avoid bloodshed. I abhor anything that will end in bloodshed, but I think the time has come when certain rascals who are taking advantage of this great man should be curbed, and I hope that before it is too late constituted authority will reach out with the law and take such troublemakers to a place where they will not be able to interfere with organized society. If it is not done soon, these outlaws will bring about the very thing none of us want, and that is bloodshed. Arrest these outlaw leaders and let real, honest, true Americans lead labor on to glorious victory. I love the cause of labor but will fight to the limit anyone who will besmirch it with anarchistic methods.

The Apostle Paul was keenly aware of the demands of his stewardship when he said:

I am debtor both to the Greeks and the barbarians—both to the wise and the unwise. So as much as Is In me Is, I am ready to preach the gospel at Rome also.

So I, feeling keenly the love of country, the cause of labor, the duty I owe to my people, and regarding highly the oath of office I have taken to defend the Constitution of the United States, not only against enemies from without but those from within, who either by ignorance or design would wreck the principles of that sacred document and thereby