Page:Congressional Record Volume 81 Part 3.djvu/31

1937 Is perfect In every particular, and this is but a 2-year experiment.

Again, the opponents of this measure tell us that we are abandoning our time-honored policy of Insisting upon the freedom of the seas. There is no question but that the neutrality legislation of a year ago, and as embodied in the pending measure, do abandon that time-honored tradition. Woodrow Wilson said that we entered the World War to make the world safe for democracy. I think we all realize now that we entered the World War primarily because we insisted upon the freedom of the seas, and that the destruction of the Lusitania violated that policy and overnight we were in the midst of the conflagration.

Again that brings us to the question of profit or peace. Had this neutrality law been in effect in 1917, the fact that the Lusitania was carrying munitions of war, and American citizens knowingly and intentionally were passengers on the Lusitania in violation of our law, then it would not have been the duty of this country to enter the war because of the violation of a policy or a law upon which we insisted. Sad as it is, international law, as has been demonstrated so many times in the past, amounts to little when nations get at each other’s throat in a war for supremacy.

Like many others here, I have delivered many addresses picturing the American merchant marine and the American Navy on the seven seas of the world protecting American life, American commerce, and American traditions, and I only would that it were possible to continue such a policy without the awful risk of bringing us into a world war at any time, in which dispute this country really has no interest.

The gentleman from Texas [Mr. Johnson], a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, has called our attention to the fact that in more than 100 cases various Presidents of the United States have sent armed forces to foreign lands to protect the rights, the lives, and the property of American citizens. The President, as Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy, and as our Chief Executive, now has that authority, but I am sure that we do not want any such authority exercised without great caution. One of the principal objections to the McReynolds bill, so far as I am concerned, is the discretionary power lodged in the President. The gentleman from Texas [Mr. Johnson] in his splendid argument gives as one reason for granting this discretion that—

You cannot tell what kind of a war it is going to be. You do not know where it is going to be. You do not know whether the nations engaging in the war will have navies or not. You do not know whether it will be hazardous tor our people to sail the seas or for our people to seU goods. You have to leave that discretion in the hands of the President to determine as a given situation may arise.

Now, to me the gentleman's statement is the best reason in the world for the passage of the Pittman bill and preventing any of these controversial questions arising which must be settled when the war Is on. Clearly, nothing could provoke war quicker than a decision by the President made in favor of one belligerent when possibly that decision might be the deciding factor in the war. Let us write the rules before the game starts, and then let the President act as the referee and enforce the rules. We have already granted too much power to the Executive all along the line, and I hope the time is not far distant when this House will realize where such action is leading us.

This Nation has an almost unbearable tax burden today. We had a similar burden directly after the World War. Yet we thought the country was prosperous during the World War. The truth is that this country loaned the foreign nations something like $16,000,000,000 to carry on the war. With this money the foreign nations bought materials in our country. We borrowed the money from our citizens to loan to those nations, and our citizens received the same money back in payment for the materials Bold to the foreign« nations. The net result was that when the war was over the foreign nations still owed us the money, and they owe it today. On March 15 every Member in this body filed an income-tax return with the Federal Government, and a part of the tax he paid was required to pay interest on that same money this Government borrowed from its citizens to make us prosperous during the World War. This war business is a vicious circle. The dollars destroyed can be repaid, but if any war is measured by the grief and sorrow and suffering of the people involved, there can be no repayment and no compensation.

In connection with neutrality and war let us not forget that the world is again Indulging in a mad armament race. The principal nations in Europe have larger armies than ever in history. Their navies exceed all dreams, and the end Is not yet. Oar country is following suit. Just realize that this Congress will this year appropriate more than $1,000,000,000 for our national defense. Just remember that that means approximately $S tax this year for every human being in our land, or $40 for every family. Now, I believe in a proper national defense, and I was pleased to vote the other day for an amendment requesting the President to assemble another world conference looking toward naval disarmament. We had such a conference in 1921. America led the way in that conference and destroyed some good battleships. There was much criticism on the part of some of our citizens. However, years have passed since that conference and an unprejudiced appraisal now convinces us that it postponed for more than 10 years this competitive race among the leading nations. The taxpayers of our country must appreciate that that conference has saved our people around $4,000,000,000 that would have been spent had there been no naval conference. Another conference might do as well and, let us hope, perhaps better.

This is all germane to the subject we are discussing, because war is the main thing against which we are attempting to legislate. I reiterate that this neutrality legislation does involve a change of policy. That is what we want. The policies we have been following have led us into war, and while this bill is undoubtedly faulty in many ways, yet it is headed in the right direction and will tend to Isolate us from the quarrels of other nations. Yes; it is harsh in some particulars, and there will be complaint on the port of those who want to manufacture war materials for the sake of the dollars resulting. But by and large, the masses of our people are so opposed to war anywhere in the world that when this law is thoroughly understood it will be accepted with universal accord. Take all the profit out of war, but if we must have war, then let us conscript not only the man power but industry, labor, and agriculture as well. A profitless war all along the line will as a general proposition, I believe, mean no war.

The CHAIRMAN. The time of the gentleman from Michigan has expired. All time has expired.

The Clerk read as follows:

Sec. 10. (a) The National Munitions Control Board, established by section 2 of the Joint resolution (PubUc Rea. No. 67, 74th Cong.) approved August 31. 1925, shall consist of the Secretary of State, who shall be chairman and executive officer of the Board; the Secretary of the Treasury; the Secretary of War; the Secretary of the Navy; and the Secretary of Commerce. Except as otherwise provided In this act or by other law, the administration of this act Is vested In the Department of State. The Secretary of State shall promulgate such rules and regulations with regard to the enforcement of this section as he may deem necessary to carry out Its provisions.

The Board shall be convened by the Chairman and shall hold at least one meeting a year.

(b) Every person who engages In the business of manufacturing, exporting, or Importing any of the arms, ammunition, or Implements of war referred to in this act. whether as an exporter, importer, manufacturer, or dealer, shall register with the Secretary of State his name, or business name, principal place of business, and places of business In the United States, and a list of the arms, ammunition, and implements of war which he manufactures. Imports, or exports.

Every person required to register under this section shall notify the Secretary of State of any change in the arms, ammunition, or implements of war which he exports, Imports, or manufactures; and upon such notification the Secretary of State shall Issue to such person an amended certificate of registration, free of charge, which shall remain valid until the date of expiration of the original