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 LITTHIE

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LUTHER

extensive correspondence between all intiinately con- cerned, to neutralise the effect on the public mind. Melanchthon "nearly died of shame, but Luther wished to brazen the matter out with a lie" (Cam- bridge Hist., II, 241). The secret "yea" must "for the sake of the Christian church remain a public nay" (De Wette-Seidemann, op. cit., VI, 263). "What harm would there be, if a man to accomplish better things and for the sake of the Christian Cnurch, does tell a good thumping lie" (Lenz, " Brief wech8el"| I, 382; Aolde, "Analecta", 356), was his extenuating plea before the Hessian counsellors assembled at l^senach (1540), a sentiment which students familiar with his words and actions will remember is in full agreement with much of his policy and many of his assertions. " We are convinced, that the papacy is the Beat of the real and actual Antichrist, ana believe that against its deceit and iniauity everything is permitted for the salvation of souls" (De Wette, op. cit., 1, 478).

Charles V involved in a triple war, with a depleted excheciuer, with a record of discouraging endeavours to establish religious peace in Germany, found what he thought was a gleam of hope in the concession half- heartedly made by the Smalkaldie assembly of Prot- estant theologians (1540), in which they would allow episcopal jursidiction provided the bishops would tolerate the new religion (" Corp. Ref .", Ill, 188). In- dulging this fond, but delusive expectation, he con- vened a religious colloquy to meet at Speyer (6 June, 1540). The tone of the Protestant reply to the invrta- tion left little prospect of an agreement. The deadly epidemic raging at Speyer compelled its transference to Hagenau, wnence after two months of desultory and ineffectual debate (1 June-28 July), it adjourned to Worms (28 Oct.). Luther from the banning had no confidence in it, it "would be a loss of time, a waste of money, and a neglect of all home duties " (De Wette, op. cit., V, 308). It proved an endless and barren word-tilting of theologians, as may be inferred from the fact tlmt after three months constant parleying, an agreement was reached on but one point, and that Immacled with so many conditions, as to make it absolutely valueless (^Pastor, " Die Kirchl. Reunions- bestrebungen ",217). The emperor's relegation of the poUoquy to the Diet of Ratisbon (5 April-22 May), in^ch he, as well as the papal legate uontarini, at- tended in person, met with the same unhappy result. Melanchthon, reputed to favour reimion, was placed by the elector. John Frederick, under a strict police surveillance, during which he was neither allowed private interviews, private visits, or even private walks ("Ck)rp. Ref.^ IV, 123-132; Schmidt, "Me- lanehthon", 385; Hausrath, op. cit., II, 410). The elector, as well as King Francis I, fearine the political ascendancy of the emperor, placed every oarrier in the way of compromise (^Pastor, op. cit., 251), and when the rejected articles were submitted by a special Prot- estant embassy to Luther, the former not only warned him by letter against their acceptance, but rushed in hot haste to Wittenberg, to throw the fuU weight of his personal influence into the frustration of all plans of peace.

Luther's life and career were drawing to a close. His marriage to Catharine von Bora, was on the whole, as far as we can infer from his own confession and pub- lic appearances, a happy one. The Au^ustinian mon- astcr\', which was given to him after his marriage by ihe elector, became his homestead. Here six children were bom to them: John (7 Jime, 1526), Elizabeth (10 Dec., 1527; d. 3 Aug., 1528), Magdalen (4 May, 1629), Martin (9 Nov., 1531), and Paul (28 Jan., 1533), and Maiyaret (17 Dec., 1 534). Catharine proved to be a plain, frugal, domestic housewife; her interest in her fowls, piggerj', fish-pond, vegetable ^rden, home- brewery, wore deeper and more absorbmg than in the most gijBcantic undertakings of her husmmd. Occa- jEtosoJ bickerings with her neighbours and the enlist-

ment of her husband's intervention in personal inter- ests and biases, were frequent enough to engage the tongue of public censure. She died at Torgau (20 Dec., 1552) in comparative obscurity, poverty, and neglect (Hoffmann, '^'Catharina von Bera", Leipzig, 1845, 126-138; Kroker, "Katharina von Bora", Leipzig, s. d., 117, 250-264), having found Wittenbere cold and xmsympathetic to the reformer's fainily. This he had predicted, — ^" after my death the four elements in Wit- tenbeiv will not tolerate you after all." Luther's ruggedhealth began to show marks of depleting vital- ity and imchecked inroads of disease. Prolonged attacks of dyspepsia, nervous headaches, chronic ^n- ular kidney disease, gout, sciatic rheumatism, middle ear abscesses, above all vertigo and gall stone colic were intermittent or chronic ailments that gradually made him the typical embodiment of a supersensi- tively nervous, prematurely old man (Kuchenmeister, "Luthers Krankengesch.", Leipzig, 1881). These physical impairments were further aggravated by his notorious disregard of all ordinary dietetic or hygienic restrictions. Even prescinding from his congenital heritage of inflanmiaole irascibihty and uncontrolla- ble rage, besetting infirmities that grew deeper and more acute with age, his phvsical condition in itself would measurably account for his increasing irrita- tion, passionate outbreaks, and hounding suspicions, which in his closing days became a problem more of pathological or psychopathic interest, than biographic or historical importance.

It was this "terrible temper" (Boehm) which brought on the tragedv of ahenation, that drove from him his most devoted friends and zealous co-labourers. Every contradiction set him ablaze (Ranke, op. cit., II, 408-415). ;* Hardly one of us", is the lament of one of his votaries, " can escape Luther's anger and hi.s public scourging" (Corp. Ref., V, 314). Carlstadt parted with him in 1522, aft^r what tlireatened to be a personal encounter (Walch, op. cit., XV, 2423); Melanchthon in plaintive tones speaks of his passion- ate violence, self-will, and tyranny, and does not mince words in confessing the humiliation of his ignoble servitude ("Corp. Ref.", III. 594; VI, 879); Bucer,

Srompted by political and diplomatic motives, pru- ently accepts the inevitable "just as the Ix)rd be- stowed him on us"; ZwingU "has become a pagan, (Ecolampadius . . . and the other heretics have in- devilled, through-devilled, over-devilled corrupt hearts and lying mouths, and no one should pray for them ", all of them "were brought to their death by the fiery darts and spears of the devil" (Walch, op. cit., XX, 223) ; Calvin and the Reformed are also the possessors of "in-devilled, over-deiilled, and through-devilled hearts"; Schurf, the eminent jurist, was changed from an ally to an opponent, with a brutality that defies all explanation or apology; Agricola fell a prey to a repugnance that time did not soften; Schwenk- feld, AmSdorf, Cordatus, all incurred his ill will, forfeited his friendship, and became the butt of his stinging speech. "The liUther, who from a dis- tance was still honoured as the hero and leader of the new church, was only tolerated at its centre in con- sideration of his past ser\nces" (Ranke, op. cit., II, 421). The zealous band of men, who once clustered about their standard-bearer, dwindled to an insignifi- cant few, insif^ificant in number, intellectuality, and personal prestige. A sense of isolation nailed the days of his decline. It not alone affected his disposition, but played the most astonishing pranks with his memory. The oftener he details to his table com- panions, the faithful chroniclers who gave us his "Tischreden", the horrors of the papacy, the more starless does the night of his monastic life appear. " The picture of his youth grows darker and darker. He finally becomes a msrth to himself. Not only do dates shift themselves, but also facts. When the old man drvps into telling tales, the past atUins the plasticity