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the literary amenitiesr of the *' Epistolse Obscurorum Virorum", even the bodily absorption of Hutten's arguments, not to allude to other conspicuous ear- marks of his intercourse and association with the humanistic-political agitators, can be unerringly traced here (Hausrath, op. cit., I, 341; Kampschulte, op. dt.f II, 73-105) . It was while living in the atmos- pnere surcharged with these influences, that he issued his first epochal manifesto, '' Address to the German Nobility . It is in ** its form an imitation of Hutten's circular letter to the emperor and German nobility ". and the greater part of its contents is an abstract ot Hutten's "Vadiscus or Roman Trinity", from his ''Lament and Exhortation", and from his letters to the Elector Frederick of Saxony (Meiners, "Lebens- beschreib. berQhmter Mftnner.", Zurich, III, 1797, 371). This seems to be admitted by competent Lutheran specialists (Maurenbrecher, "Studien u. Skizzen", Leipzig, 1874, 254; Werckhagen, "Luther u. Hutten ", Wittenberg, 1888. 44-87; Kolde, " Luthcrs Stellung zu Konzil u. lurche ', 69; Benrath, " An den christl. Adel deutsch. Nation", No. 4, "Schrift fttr Reform. Gesch.", 1884). He steps from the arena of academic gravity and verbal precision to the forum of the public in "an invective of dazzling rhetoric". He addresses the masses: his language is that of the populace; his theolo^cal attitude is abandoned; his sweeping eloquence fairly carries the emotional nature of his hearers — while even calm, critical reason stands aghast, dumbfounded; he becomes the hieratic intex^ preter, the articulate voice of latent slumbering national aspirations. In one impassioned outburst, he cuts from all his Catholic moorings — the merest trace left seeming to intensify his fury. Church and State, religion and politics, ecclesiastical reform and social advancement, are handled with a flaming, peer- less oratory. He speaks with reckless audacity; he acts with breathless daring. War and revolution do not make him quail — has he not the pledged support of Ulrich von Hutten, Franz von Sickmgen, Sylvester von Schaumburg? Is not the first the revolutionary master spirit of his a^e — cannot the second make even an emperor bow to his terms? The " gospel ", he now sees " cannot be introduced without tumult, scandal, and rebellion"; "the word of God is a sword, a war, a destruction, a scandal, a ruin, a poison " (De Wette. op. cit., I, 417). As for pope, cardinals, bishops, "ana the whole brood of Roman Sodom ", why not attack it " with every sort of weapon and wash our hands in its blood" (Walch, XVIII. 245).

Luther the reformer haa become Luther the revo- lutionary; the religious agitation had become a po- litical rebellion (Maurenbrecher, op. cit., 155, 394; Treitschke, " Preussische Jahrbttcher ", LII, 476; Paul- sen, op. cit., 173; Weizsackef, " G6ttingen Gelehrt. An- zeigen", 1881, 846; Droysen, "Gesch. der preuss. Politik", I, 145, 178; Barkhausen, "Gesch. der Philosophic", III, 258; Hansen, "Sind wir noch Lutheraner", Copenhagen, 1885, 9, 10, 13, 86; "Ath- enaeum ", 2 Feb., 1884, 146; " Academv ",26 Jan., 1884, 54; Creighton, "Hist, of the Papacy**' Vl, 1891, 169; Bayne, op. cit., II, 165; " Cambridge Hist.", II, 166). Luther s theological attitude at this time, as far as a formulated cohesion can be deduced, was as follows: The Bible is the only source of faith; it contains the plenary inspiration of God; ite reading is invested with a quasi-sacramental character. Human nature has been totally corrupted by original sin, and man, accordingly, is deprived of free will. Whatever he does, be it good or dp d, is not his own work, but God's. Faitn alone can work justification, and man is saved by confidently believing that God will pardon him. Tiiis faith not only includes a full pardon of sin, but also an unconditional release from its penalties. The hierarchy and priesthood are not Divmely instituted or necessary, and ceremonial or exterior worship is not essential or useful. Ecclesiastical vestments, pilgrim-

ages, mortifications, monastic vows, prayers for the dead, intercession of saints, avail the soul nothing. All sacraments, with the exception of baptism. Holy Eu- charist, and penance, are reiected, but their absence may be supplied by faith. The priesthood is universal; every Christian may assume it. A body of specially trained and ordained men to dispense the mysteries of God is needless and a usurpation. There is no visible Church or one specifically established by God whereby men may work out their salvation. The emperor is appealed to in his three primary pamph* lets, to destroy the power of the pope, to confiscate for his own use all ecclesiastical property, to abolish ecclesiastical feasts, fasts, and holidays, to do away with Masses for the dead. etc. In his "Babylonian Captivity"^ particularly, ne tries to arouse national feeling against the papacy, and appeals to the lower appetite of the crowd by laying down a sensualized code of matrimonial ethics, little removed from pagan- ism, which " again came to the front during the French Revolution" (Hagen, "Deutsche literar. u. religidse Verhaltnisse '' II, Erlangen, 1843, 235). His third manifesto, "On the Fre^om of a Christian Man", more moderate in tone, though uncompromisingly radical, he sent to the pope.

In April, 1520, Eck appeared in Rome, with the German works, containing most of these doctrines, translated into Latin. They were submitted and dis- cussed with patient care and critical calmness. Some members of the four consistories, held between 21 May and 1 June, counselled gentleness and forbearance, but those demanding summary procedure prevailed. The Bull of excommunication, "Exsurge Domine", was accordingly drawn up 15 July. It formally ccm- demned forty-one propositions drawn from his writ- ings, ordered the destruction of the books containing the errors, and summoned Luther himself to recant within sixty days or receive the full penalty of ecclesi- astical punishment. Three dajrs later (18 July) Eck was appointed papal prothonotary with the commis- sion to publish the Bull in Germany. The appointment of Eck was both unwise and imprudent. Luther's attitude towards him was that of implacable perscmal hatred; the dislike of him among the humanists was decidedly virulent; his unpopularity among many Catholics was also well known. Moreover, his personal feelings, as the relentless antagonist of Luther, could hardly be effaced, so that a cause which demand^ the most untrammelled exereise. of judicial impartiality and Christian charity would haitily find its best ex- ponent in a man in whom individual triumph would supersede the pure love of justice. Eck saw this, and accepted the duty only under compulsicm (Wiedmann^ op. cit., 153). His arrival in Germany was signaliiea by an outburst of popular protest and academic re- sentment, which the national humaniste and friends of Luther lost no time in fanning to a fierce flame. He was barely allowed to publish the Bull in Meissen r21 Sept.), Mersebur^ (25 Sept.), and Brandenburg (29 Sept.), and a resistance almost uniform greeted him in all other parts of Germany. He was subjected to personal affronte, mob violence. The Bull itself became the object of shocking indignities. Only after protracted delays could even the bishops be induced to show it any deference. The crowmng dishonour awaited it at Wittenberg (Stud. u. Krit., 1901, 460), where (10 Dec), in response to a call issued by Melanchthon, the university students assembled at the Elster Gate, and amid the jeering chant of "Te Deum laudamus", and " Requiem setemam ", interspersed with ribald drink- ing songs, Luther in person consigned it to the flames. The Bull seemingly affected him little. It only drove him to further extremes and gave a new momen- tum to the revolutionary agitation. As far back as 10 July, when the Bull was only under discussion, ke scornfully defied it. ''As for me, the die is cast: I despise iJike the favour and fury of Baiba\ ^^ks^^^sK