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cism had long since disappeared; since 1875 he no longer feared an anti-German coalition of Catholic powers or a war with Russia. In the meantime those closer relations with Austria had begun which in 1879 terminated in the actual Triple Alliance. His new foreign policy brought with it a frequent rapproche- ment with the Catholics. In the German Parliament he could no longer act quite independently of them, and this was another factor in the future reconciliation. The National Liberals in the Reichstag had ceased to be his unconditional supporters in the grave questions of internal reform (politico-economical, social, and financial) that now claimed all his attention. The continued opposition of so large a party as the Centre was henceforth an element of grave danger for all his plans. Conservative Protestants, meanwhile, re- belled against the Liberalism of Falk, which under the circumstances was far more offensive to them than to Catholics. Moreover, Emperor Wilhelm inclined daily more in their direction. Indeed, the position of Falk had become practically untenable.

C. ISrS-Sl.—The death of Pius IX and the election of Leo XIII (Feb., 1878) made possible the restoration of peace in the much troubled Fatherland. At once, and again during that year, Leo XIII wrote in a con- ciliating way to Kaiser Wilhelm urging the abolition of the May Laws. His request was refused; at the same time Berlin expressed a desire for reconciliation. In July, 1878, Bismarck had a personal interview with the papal nuncio, Masella, at Kissingen (in Bavaria). However, a full decade was yet to intervene before the May Laws quite disappeared. The proposed basis of negotiations was not calculated at this juncture to bring about the much desired peace. Bismarck in- sisted that the May Laws should not be abolished by any formal act; he was willing, however, to modify their application, obtain gradually from the Landtag temporary discretionary authority in regard to the laws, remove certain odious points, etc., all this on condition of a yielding attitude on the side of the Cath- olics. The latter, indeed, were in this respect praise- worthy. Bismarck further desired that in all meas- ures of relief the Government should appear to take the initiative — of course after proper diplomatic nego- tiations with Rome. In return he demanded from the Curia an assurance that the Centre party would support the policies of the Government; otherwise the latter could have no interest in a reconciliation.

As a proof of goodwill he dismissed Herr Falk in 1879 and replaced the author of the odious May Laws by Herr Puttkamer, whose ecclesiastico-political attitude was more conciliatory than that of his predecessor. Under him the Church began to regain its former influ- ence over the schools. He obtained from the Landtag on three occasions (1880-83) discretionary authority to modify the May Laws ; thereby he provided for a res- toration of orderly diocesan administration, and the filling of the vacant sees. The vacant parishes, it is true, remained yet without pastors; it was allowed however, to administer them from neighbouring parishes. After 1883 the Sperrgeselz, or suspension of ecclesiastical salaries, was not enforced. In 1882 Prussia established an embassy at the Vatican. Bis- marck in the meantime held firmly to one point : the obligation of the bishop to make known to the Gov- ernment all ecclesiastical appointments, and the Gov- ernment's right of veto. This much Rome was not disinclined to allow, but demanded a previous formal abolition of at least certain portions of the May Laws. Leo XIII was very anxious to re-establish peace and harmony with Germany, and for that reason chose for his secretary of state, in 1881, Lodovico Jacobini, who hat! Ix-en nuncio at Vienna since 1879, and had conducted the preliminary negotiations. During the negotiations that followed, the principal defect of the papal diplomacy consisted in the excessive stress it laid on the purely politico-ecclesiastical elements

of the problem (those which affected the general European situation of the Church), not sufficiently taking into account the fundamental source of the conflict, i. e., the violation of the constitutional law of Prussia. From this point of \'iew it did not seek to co-operate with the tactics of the Centre in that party's dealings with Bismarck; it rather complied in several ways with the wishes of the latter, and sought to influ- ence the Centre (in substantially political matters) in favour of the Government. On the other hand, while Windthorst did not perhaps give quite sufficient con- sideration to the general European situation, he was all the more earnest in his resolution to give perma- nency to the exertions of his party, to again anchor the rights of the Church in the Prussian Constitution, and to make the latter document guarantee once again the independence of.the Church. During these years of more or less fruitful negotiations between Rome and Berlin, the political power of the Centre in the Reichs- tag grew notably; the Government was no longer able to count on a majority against it. By this time the Conservatives had again obtained the upper hand in the Landtag, and soon made evident their intention to abolish completely the Falk system of interference with the disciplinary and pastoral life of the Catho- lic Church (Conservative Resolution, 25 April, 1882). When Bismarck saw that it was impossible to make the Centre a government party (spring of 1884), the negotiations on his side were temporarily dropped. To the Conservatives, now urgent, he replied that he was ready to proceed to a revision of the May Laws as soon as he knew that Rome would accept tlie Anzci- gepflic.ht, or obligation of making known to the Gov- ernment all ecclesiastical appointments, with the corresponding ci\'il right of veto. He believed, ap- parently, that the Kidturkampf agitation would grad- ually die out, and the Catholic people grow weary of their struggle for "a constitutional and legal inde- pendence of the Church", now that the most burden- some of the May Laws had been withdrawn and a somewhat orderly ecclesiastical life was again possible. In the meantime the Centre party and its press kept alive a strong Catholic feeling. On the other hand, the foreign situation soon brought up the ques- tion of the final abolition of the May Laws. Bismarck was again anxious in regard to Russia, and this time feared an alliance of that nation with France; the re- cent awakening of Pansla\asm added to his solicitude on this point. He was concerned lest the Vatican should favour the Franco-Russian alliance. On the other hand he now sought to rally all forces at the dis- posal of the Government for the suppression of the Polish movement that had by this time taken on large proportions ; owing to his Kidturkampf policy, all classes of the Polish people had been deeply stirred during the previous decade, and their attitude now caused the chancellor great anxiety. He hoped, also, that a decisive ending of the ecclesiastical conflict would seriously affect the hitherto intact solidarity of the Centre and weaken notably the popular attach- ment to the party, whereby its influence, even yet the source of his gravest political difficulties, woukl finally diminish. Leo XIII saw clearly that Bismarck was now earnestly desirous of peace ; Rome, therefore, it seemed, need no longer be over-timid in the matter of concessions based on suitable guarantees. The pope also hoped that Bismarck would in turn be helpful to him in respect of the German imperial policy towards Italy. It was of considerable im])ortance that at this juncture the most statesmanlike member of the Prus- sian hierarchy, Bishop Kopp of Hildcsheim (now Cardinal, and Prince-Bishop of Breslau), was made a member of the Prussian House of Lords (Herrcnhaus). Bismarck still held with tenacity to the former govern- ment claims. In the matter of the AnzeigcpfUcht, the nominations of parish priests at least should not take place without the Government's approval. Nor