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school fund provided by the municipality. He based his objection to this society on the ground that it violated a fundamental American principle, namely, freedom of conscience. Catholics could not accept any system of education which ignored, undermined, or opposed the religious faith their conscience dictated to be true. After a two years' unceasing contest, he finally brought about the overthrow of the Public School Society. He had hoped, and Governor Seward was kindly disposed, that the Legislature might be so truly American as to sanction and support separate Catholic schools. Religious animosity proved too bit- ter. The bishop's hopes were not realized. The estab- lishment of the present public schools followed, which, likewise failing to satisfy Catholic conscience, led the bishop to lay the foundation, on a firm basis, of the existing Catholic school system in New York. An anti-Catholic outbreak of the "Native American" political party occurred in 1844, in Philadelphia, where churches and convents were destroyed. A meeting of this party was announced to take place in New York City. Apprehensive that the result would be riot and bloodshed, the bishop called personally on the mayor of the city to prevent the meeting, warning him of the consequences if any anti-Catho- lic outrage were attempted. He at the same time solemnly cautioned his flock against violence, but took measures to resist any possible attacks against church property. His fearless and determined atti- tude prevented the holding of the meeting and averted disturbance of the jieace. Ten years later the "Know-nothing" faction became active. He again advised his people to keep aloof from centres of trouble. He was deeply convinced that all such movements, being as anti-American as they were anti- Catholic, could not possibly thrive in the United States. Few public men of his day possessed a more statesmanlike grasp of the genius of the American Republic. He had unbounded confidence in its insti- tutions, when their very existence was precarious. He looketl upon .America as a land of promise opened by a beneficent Providence to the oppressed of the nations. No one could question his own abiding love of his native soil; but he would not permit this love to make him lament as an exile of Erin when he might rejoice as an American citizen Thus he taught his people. So far-seeing was he in this respect that he looked with disfavour on national churches, lest they might perpetuate racial differences and foreign cus- toms. All must be formed into a common people; and no influence could do this better for the Ameri- can people, he contended, than the Catholic Church sent by Christ to teach all nations. Archliishop Hughes will ever rank among America's foremost citizens. His towering character, genius for govern- ment, and intense patriotism won for him the respect and often the admiration of his opponents, the esteem and even the life-long friendship of distinguished statesmen. President Polk, through Secretary Bu- chanan, in 1846, proffered him a diplomatic mission to Mexico, which he was unable to accept. On invi- tation of John Quincy .4dams, Stephen A. Douglas, antl John C. Calhoun, he lectured in 1847 before Congress in the Capitol, Washington, his topic being "Christianity the only Source of Moral, Social, and Political Regeneration". At the outbreak of the Civil War, although not an aliolitionist, he boldly sustained the Union cause, and was in frequent com- munication with William H. Seward, Secretary of State, to whom he offered useful suggestions on the conduct of the war. President Lincoln, in an auto- graph letter, expressed his appreciation of the counsel given. Secretary Seward, desiring to hold France in a friendly attitude towarils the Federal Government, entrusted the archbishop with an important mission to the Court of Napoleon HI, who received him most graciously, and was dissuaded by him from recog-

MosT Rev. Juiin Hughes

nizing the Confederacy. On this visit to Europe, wherever he went, he left nothing undone to create sympathy for the Union side. During the Draft Riots of 1863 in New York City, Governor Seymour invoked the aid of the archbishop to suppress dis- order, to which invitation, though he was fatally broken in health, he willingly responded, addressing a large assemblage from the balcony of his residence.

His loyalty to his adopted country was well bal- anced and finely adjusted to the duties and responsi- bilities of his sacred office. He exercised the strictest vigilance lest American liberty might engender liberal influences tending to minimize the doctrine and disci- pline of the Catholic Church. He unsparingly con- demned those who, through fear of anti-CathoUc feeling, were disposed to conciliate their opponents by seemingly harm- less concessions. He was intolerant of the slightest modi- fication or innova- tion in religion un- less sanctioned by the Supreme Head of the Church. He believed that ad- herence to Catholic faith should be bold, fearless, out- spoken, and uncom- promising in the extreme, and espe- cially so in tlie face of opposition. Pius IX, exiled in 1848, and again threat- ened in 1860, found

the archbishop one of the stanchest defenders of the Holy See. Strong agencies of power and in- fluence were conspiring against the temporal sov- ereignty of the pope, and this alarming condition intimidated not a few Catholics into a policy of silent and ineffective sympathy; others somewhat less timid favoured action, but of a conservative character. The archbishop approved of no such methods, and boldly proclaimed himself an uncompro- mising supporter of the Vicar of Christ and his lawful patrimonj-. By appeal, sermon, lecture, and pas- toral letter he aroused his flock at home to unbounded enthusiasm, and stirred Christentlom aliroad in a masterly vindication of the temporal independence of the sovereign pontiff. He raised in 1860 the princely sum of $53,000, as an offering from his diocese to the Holy Father; and his pastoral letter, circulated throughout Europe and translated into Italian, af- forded solace to the afflicted soul of Pius IX.

Conjointly with all this prominence and activity demanded by public and vital interests of Church and nation, the archbishop followed faithfully and zeal- ously the exacting life of a hardworking missionary bishop in the upbuilding of a rapidly growing diocese. In 1842 there were some forty priests, fifty chiu'ches, and 200,000 Catholics scattered over his jurisdic- tion, which embraced the State of New York and the eastern part of New Jersey. Bishop McCloskey, later the first Bishop of Albany, was Coadjutor of New York from 1844 to 1847. Albany and Buffalo were erected into episcopal sees in 1847; Brookl^-n and Newark in 18.'>3. Besides these four separate dioceses made wathin the original territory of the Diocese of New York, the archbishop before his death in 1864 ruled 150 priests, 85 churches, 3 colleges, 50 schools and academies, anrl over 400,000 people. He stated in 1858 that he had dedicated his ninety-ninth church. As metropolitan, created in 1850, he pre- sided over New York, New Jersey, and all New Eng- land, with suffragan sees at Albany, Buffalo, Brook-