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 CELTIC

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CELTIC

On a second tour, in 1491, lie reached Liibeck, where his efforts to form an association of scholars proved unsuccessful. In 1494 he became professor at Ingol- stadt; this position, however, put. no check on his propensity for wandering, and when the pest raged at tngolstadt he was at Heidelberg as tutor to I In- Palatine princes. In 1497 the emperor called him to Vienna, where he gave humanistic and historical lectures, some of which were on the works of classic writers, as Apuleius, Cicero, Tacitus, etc.

The lectures of Celtes were as permanent in their effects on the advancement and spread of the spirit of humanistic learning as was the founding of his various learned associations. Especially was he of great importance for the science of history, in that he was the first to treat the history of the world as a whole, and to bring the history of the empire into connexion with that of other nations. His greatest labour, however, the "Germania Illustrata", a work in which he desired to preserve the results both of his long journeys and of his researches in the history of the empire, remained a fragment. He gained a name for himself in the literary world by the discovery and publication of the writings of the nun Roswitha (Hroswitha). Although Aschbach's assumption that Celtes had forged these works excited for a time serious discussion, yet Kiipke and others succeeded in clearing him of this charge (Ottonische Studien, II). Still further literary credit is due Celtes for his publication of the " Ligurinus " of Gunther, and for the discovery of the "Tabula Peutingeriana" (a map of the military roads of the Roman Empire). No less creditable to his literary sagacity is the collection of Creek and Latin manu- scripts which he made as librarian of the imperial library founded by Maximilian I at Vienna. He also won fame as a poet, and was the guiding spirit of the Poets' Academy at Vienna, the first institution of this kind to be established. Nevertheless his "IV Libri Amorum", "IV Libri Odarum", and "V Libri Epigrammatum" are works of no great merit; their contents are in part very free, if not erotic. Celtes was an Epicurean, and, like many of the more free-thinking Humanists, in his concept of the standards of life he placed a higher value on the ancient heathen, than on the Christian, ideal. On this point he was obliged to bear much blunt reproof from his friend, Charitas Pirkheimer.

Klipfel. De vit.i el scriptis C. Celtis (Freiburg, 1827), 2 vols., contains an exhaustive list of his writings; Hi mm. C Celtes (18.521; Abchbach, Die frOheren Wanderjahn des C. Celtes in Sitzungsberichte tier Wiener Akad., phitos.-hist. Klasae US681. LX. 75-150. and in fli-srh. tier I'nirmitat H'lV-n, II. 189- 270; Habtfelder, Celtes ais Lehrcr in Xeue Jahrb. f. Phil. u.

I'ad-. 128. 299. and in Zeilaehr. f. remit irhewle Literal

Bcziehungen zur Geographic (Munich, 1896).
 * 1890); new series, 3. 331 Bqq.; Geioeb, C. Celtes in seinen

Joseph Sauer.

Celtic Church. See Ireland.

Celtic Rite, The.— This subject will be treated under the following seven heads: I. History and Origin; II. MS. Sources; III. The Divine Office; IV. The Ma^; V. The Baptismal Service; VI. The Visita- tion, Unction, and Communion of the Sick; VII. The Consecration of Churches; VIII. Hymns.

I. History ash Origin. — The term "Celtic Rite" is generally, but rather indefinitely, applied to the vari- ous rites in use in Great Britain. Ireland, perhaps in Brittany, and sporadically in Northern Spain, and in the monasteries which resulted from the Irish mis- sions of St. Columbanus in France. Germany, Switzer- land, and Italy, at a time when rites other than the then existing rite of Rome were used, wholly or par- tially, in those places. The term must not be taken to imply any necessary homogeneity, for the evidence, such as it is. is in favour of considerable diversity. This evidence is very scanty and fragmentary, and much of what has been written about it has been largely the result of conjectures based upon very in-

secure foundations, and has been influenced by con- troversial motives. The beginning of the period is vague. There is no evidence before the fifth century and very little even then. The extreme end of it may be taken as 1172, when the Synod of Cashel fi- nally adopted the Anglo- Roman Rite. The existence of a different rite in Britain and Ireland has been used to prove that the Christianity of these islands had an origin independent of Rome, though, even if it were true, it is not easy to see how that should prove any- thing more than the fact itself. In reality the exist- ence of a Celtic Rite has no bearings, one way or the other, on the Anglo-Roman controversy. In the period before the eighth century diversity of rites was the rule rather than the exception. Rome, though when its advice was asked it might naturally recom- mend its own way of doing things, did not then make the smallest attempt to force uniformity on any local church. With a very complete unity of faith, and at times a considerable amount of intercourse between different parts of the Western Church, there existed great diversity of practice in things in which diversity, as St. Gregory's answer to St. Augustine seems toim- ply, was not considered to matter very much. Grad- ually, no doubt, the influence of important centres, such as Rome itself on one side, and Toledo on anot her, tended to lessen the diversity and to draw divergent Churches together into larger liturgical districts, so that by the time of the final fusion, which happened in the Charlemagne period, the Roman Rite with its Ambrosian variant, the Romanized Celtic Rite, and the Hispano-Gallican Rite, now represented by the Mozarabic survival, were practically all that were left, but we must beware of antedating this classifica- tion. The essential unity of the Roman Empire was such that whether Christianity came to Britain from Rome, from Gaul, or from the East in the first in- stance, the fact would have no bearings on the origin and spread of the liturgical customs, which certainly developed at a later period than its first introduction. In the fourth century we find an apparently organized British Church, with bishops who represent it at the Council of Aries in 314, perhaps at Nicsea in 325, and at Sardica in 347, and certainly at Rimini in 359. This Church was evidently in close communication with the Church in Gaul, as may be inferred from the dedication to St. Martin of the two churches at Whit h- ern and at Canterbury, and from the mission of Vic- tricius of Rouen in 396, and those of Sts. Gennanus and Lupus in 429, and Sts. Germanus and Severus in 417, directed against that heresy of Pelagius which had its origin in Britain. It is not unreasonable to suppose that at the period when liturgies were begin- ning to be differentiated more or less by districts and provinces the liturgy of the Church of Britain should resemble that of the neighbouring Church of < iaul, and it is possible to infer from St. Augustine's question to St. Gregory, concerning the different customs of observed in Rome and in Gaul, that he found Gallican customs prevailing in Britain. But St. Augustine may only be referring to the use of Queen Bertha's Prankish chaplain. Bishop Luidhard, at Canterbury, and there is no evidence one way or the other as to what liturgy was in use among the Roman- ize] Britons themselves. — The passage attributed to Gildas (Haddan and Stubbs. I, I1_M. "Britones toti mundo contrarii. moribus Romania inimici, non solum in missa sed in tonsura etiam", is probably of the seventh century. —Vet upon this frail foundation of conjecture an elaborate theory has been built and still remains almost an article of faith with so large and important a school of Anglican controversialists that it IS impossible to ignore its existence, though it has been given up by all serious liturgiologists. This theory (for which see also Ambrosian Liturgy and Rite i is to t he i 3t. Irenseus, the disciple of

St. Polycarp, who was the disciple of St. John the