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WOLSEY

only called in to approve what had already been settled.

But in January, 1519, the situation was again changed by the death of the Emperor Maximilian and the consequent contest for the imperial crown. When Charles was duly elected emperor the rivalry between the houses of Habsburg and Valois was ac- centuated. Instead of three powers — Maximilian, Francis, and Charles — Wolsey had now only two to reckon with and to play off against each other. He determined on a policy of neutraUty with the view of giving England the decisive power in guiding the destinies of Europe. Meetings between Henry and both the rival monarchs took place; he met Charles at Canterbury and Francis at the celebrated Field of the Cloth of Gold. But a second meeting with the emperor followed immediately and Henry's pergonal predilections were in favour of an alUance with him rather than with France. StiU Wolsey persuaded the king that the neutral policy was the most profit- able, especially when war actually broke out. Both parties to the war were soon willing to accept Eng- land's mediation, and Wolsey conducted a long conference during which his conduct was more diplomatic than honest, and before the conference was over he signed a secret treaty with the emperor which provided for an offensive and defensive alUance against France. This was a new policy for him to adopt, and it is clear that in this treaty his own wishes were overborne by Henry's desire for a new war with France, and it was not tiU two abortive campaigns had disillusioned the king that Wolsey was again able to resort to diplomatic measures. This treaty with the emperor was, however, of im- portance in Wolsey's own life as it opened up the way for his possible election to the papacy.

the death of Leo X (2 December, 1521) gave the emperor an opportunity of exercising his influence in Wolsey's favour as he had promised, but the imperial influence was not in fact brought to bear and Wolsey received very few votes. During the year 1522 the alliance with the emperor continued, and Wolsey was occupied in raising large sums of money for the proposed war against France, becoming thereby still more unpopular with the nation. The new pope, Adrian VI, died on 14 Sept., 1523, and again Wolsey was a candidate for the papacy. The English ambassadors at Rome were confident that the united influence of Charles and Henry would secure his election, but again Charles deceived him and Clement VII was chosen. The new pope not only confirmed his legateship for hfe, but gave him the Bishopric of Durham in addition to his Archbishopric of York. Upon this Wolsey resigned the See of Bath and Wells which he had held in commmdam since 1518. It does not seem that Wolsey personally was particularly anxious to become pope, though doubtless he would have accepted the position had he been chosen. On the election of Pope Clement he wrote, "For my part, as I take God to record, I am more joyous thereof than if it had fortuned upon my person", and Anglican historians, such as Bishop Creighton and Dr. .James Gairdner, accept this as representing his genuine feelings. The alliance with the emperor, which had always been against Wolsey's better judgment, did not survive the events of 1.523. Henry could not make war again for want of means, and Charles now distrusted him; so Wolsey reverted to his original idea of alliance with France, but he was not able to do much until 1.525, when the defeat and capture of Francis;il the battle of Pavia made the dominant power of Charles a danger to all Europe. In face of this peril Henry reluclanlly made a new treaty with Francis. It was a bold jiolicy for Wolsey, for, having incurred the ji-alousy of the nobility by his powej, he had aroused the hostility of the people by financial exactions, and ho provoked the enmity

of all by the extravagant pomp with which he sur- rounded himself on all his pubHc appearances. He could rely only on the king's favour, and he knew that to lose this was complete ruin. Just at this critical juncture the king raised the question of the divorce from Queen Katharine in order that he might marry Anne Boleyn. This personal matter "widened into unexpected issues and consumed Wolsey's energies till it led to his fall " (Creighton, p. 150). Wolsey did not wish Henrj- to marry Anne, but he was not averse to ridchng himself of Katha- rine's adverse pohtical influence, for her sympathy with her nephew the emperor caused her to dishke Wolsey's French policy. So he lent himself to forward the king's wishes. The first steps were taken in his own legatine court, apparently with the idea that if this tribvmal pronounced against the vahdity of the king's marriage the pope would con- firm tiie sentence. But Katharine learned of the king's plan and prepared to defend her rights. As she could count on the sympathy of both pope and emperor the king despatched Wolsey to persuade the French king to bring sufficient pressure to bear on the pope to counteract the influence of Charles. The scheme was to deUver the pope from Charles V, who had sacked Rome, in the hope that Clement's gratitude would induce him to favour the king with regard to the divorce.

The history of the divorce question has been treated of under the articles Clement VII and Henry VIII; it will suffice here to note Wolsey's attitude. When he returned to England he heard for the first time of Knight's embassy to Rome, and thus learnt that he no longer enjoyed the king's com- plete confidence. And though Anne Boleyn and the king, realizing that he might yet be useful, treated him with friendliness and consideration, he reahzed that in Anne he had a serious political rival. When the pope appointed Cardinal Campeggio to trj' the case in England with Wolsey, the English cardinal soon learnt that the matter was entirely in his colleague's hands. All Campeggio's efforts to avoid holding the trial at all ha\ing failed, the coiu-t sat at Blackfriars on 18 June, 1529. Before this Anne Boleyn, regarding Wolsey as responsible for the long delay, had set herself to bring about his fall. 'The failure of the trial rendered this possible, and during August and September he was kept at a distance from the Court and was known to be in disgrace. In November a bill of indictment was preferred against him, and on 19 November he had to sur- render the great seal of England. On 22 November he was forced to sign a deed confessing that he had incurred a prc^vmnire and surrendering all his vast possessions to the king. On 30 November judgment was given that he should be out of the king's pos- session and should forfeit all his lands and goods. He remained at Esher through the winter, disgraced, though not without occasional messages of kindness from the king. His health, which had been bad for many years, now failed seriously. In February he received a general pardon, and the possessions of his archbishopric were restored to him, except York House, which he had to convey to the king. He was then allowed to retire to York, where he spent the last six months of his life in devotion and a sincere effort to do his duty as a bishop. Though he had been worldly and his private life had not been stainless, he had always been a Catholic. His last days were embittered by the news that the king intended to sujipress the two colleges, at Ipswich and Oxford, which he had founded with such care. The former perislied, but Christ's College survived, though not in the completeness he had intended- He was in residence at Cawood near York, preparatory to being enthroned in York minster, when, on 4 No- vember, commissioners from the king came to