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 WINEFRIDE

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WINEFRIDE

Catholics. Windthorst, from the beginning of hia career, had performed the greatest services for the Catholic cause in Hanover, and had alwaj's been a loyal CathoUc, but, as a leader, he had not the repu- tation of MalUnckrodt and Reichensperger, because he had never taken an active part in the ecclesiastical and ecclesiastico-political movement among German Catholics. Now, however, he began to take part regularly in Catholic Congresses, where he soon became the orator for the final address, which he made famous. The outbreak of the Kulturkampf in Prus- sia gave him a splendid opportunity to show himself the champion of the Church in ParKament.

When MalUnckrodt died in 1874, Windthorst was proclaimed leader both of the Centre Party and of the German Catholics. In another direction, too, the years 1867-74 were decisive for him. As early as the fifties Bismarck and he were not in accord politically. The division between the two men was continually deepened by the course of events: in 1866 Bismarck excluded Austria from Germany and annexed Han- over; in 1868 he made an agreement with Windthorst concerning the restitution of the King of Hanover's private fortune, a contract which, however, Bismarck refused to carry out. In 1867 Windthorst had in- directly opposed Bismarck in the ZoUparlament, by forming a majority against the National Liberals. Bismarck's anger readied its height when Windthorst joined the Centre Party. Bismarck said that this party would maintain itself independently of him and would incessantly push their constitutional demands. The chancellor could not tolerate any rival to his own importance, neither was he really a friend of parUa- mentary government. He attacked the Church all the more violently, therefore, in the Kulturkampf, because it was defended by a strong and independent popular party (see Kultttrkampf). On the other hand, Windthorst acted in harmony with his political past when he sought to make it plain that he opposed the Kulturkampf measures not merely as an infringe- ment of the rights of the Church, but also as inconsis- tent with Prussian constitutional rights in particular and the political convictions of the age in general. As the leader of the Centre, and in full agreement with it, he interested himself for all the rights and liberties of the German people, whenever these liberties were disregarded by the Government or the Police, or were limited by legislation; his efforts, on the contrary, were rather for their enlargement. He was not afraid to let his party wear out Bismarck with constant opposition, so that the chancellor might the sooner be ready to abandon the Kulturkampf.

At the same time Windthorst was on the alert to secure a position for his party which should offer better prospects than that into which it had been forced from the beginning. For in ecclesiastico- political questions the Centre was then condemned to occupy the position of an isolated minority, because of the peculiarly obstinate sectarian antipathy to Catholics in Germany. The masses showed very little direct interest in the second article of the Cen- trist programme — the defence of the federal character of the empire, which was threatened by the Liberals. No matter what the Centre might do to prove its soundness in constitutional questions, the Liberals Btill remained, for the nia.ss of the people, the parly which had first begun the struggle against absohitisni. As new political undertakings, there now offered them- selves the increasing free-trade tendency of the nation and the need of a comjjrehensive labour policy. Sooner than the leaders of the other parties Wind- thorst comprehended that these problems were quickly assuming an absorbing interest for the German people, and by the end of 1876 he occupied himself zealously with theni. The victory was his. In 1879 thi^ Centre turned the scale for the introduction of a protective tariff, and formed the controlling sjiirit of

the parties by the aid of which the government waa able, after 1880, to pass the workingmen's insurance laws, and later the laws for the protection of working- men. From a minority continually in opposition it became an active, influential part of the majority. The pohtical character of the Centre Party received its final cast in its economic and socio-poUtical labours. Windthorst repeatedly maintained this character of the party against the misconception formed of it by the papal Curia — a misconception due to incorrect knowledge of the facts, and which saw in the Centre a Catholic party somewhat like that in Belgium. Nor did poUtics prevent the Centre from repeatedly giving its attention to the interests of the Church. It was the influence which it attained during the eighties in the entire political Ufe of Germany, in addition to reasons of foreign pohcy, that obliged Bismarck to abandon the Kulturkampf. Windthorst felt keenly chagrined that he was not able at the same time to secure the passage of laws setthng the share of the Church in the Prussian common schools. The strug- gle over the Christian spirit in the schools had to be left to the future.

As recompense for all this he had the satisfaction that his party grew constantly more willing to accept his political views and methods. In order to make certain that the voters were trained in the spirit in which the Centre acted politically, he effected, in the autumn of 1890, the founding of the "Peoples Union for Cathohc Germany", as a school for Cathohc men with many hundreds of thousands of pupils to train them, apologetically, socially, economically, and pohtically. The spirit of Windthors* still lives in the Centre party and in the Peoples Union. His beautiful memorial is the Churcli of the Blessed Virgin at Hanover, where he is buried, and for the construc- tion of which he generously gave the money presented to him for personal use by the Catholics of Germany.

Hr-sGEN, Liidwig Windthorst; SPAHN, Wiiulihorst in Hochland, V (1907-08); Finke. Aug Windthorsls jungeren Jahren in Hoch- land, VIII (1910-11): FuLF. Alts Windlhorsts Korrespondenz in Slimmen aus Maria-Laach (1912).

M.4KTIN Sp.IHN.

Winefride, Saint, b. at Holywell, Wales, about 600; d. at Gwytherin, Wales, .3 Nov., 660. Her father was Thevit, a Cambrian magnate, the possessor of three manors in what is now Flintshire; her mother Wenlo, a sister of St. Beuno and a member of a family closely connected with the kings of South Wales. St. Beuno had led at first a solitary life, but afterwards established a community of cenobites at Clynog-vawr. While in search of a suitable place for a monastery he came to visit his sister's husband, whose lands lay on a bluff overlooking the town of Holywell on the valley side of the well, and over against the present ruins of the .\bbey of Basingstoke; tradition points this out as the spot on which the con- vent of St. Winefride waa afterwards built. From this eminence there is a stee]) incline down to the stream and the well. In the hollow, then called the "Dry Hollow", beneath this incline St. Beuno lived and built a chapel in which he said Mass and preaclied to the people. Winefride w;is then one of his most attentive listeners. Though only fifteen years old she gave herself to a life of de\"otion and austerity, pass- ing whole nights watching in the church. Prior to the conquest of \\'ales the saint was known as Guen- evra; after that her name was changed to the Engli.sh form Winefride. She wius a maiden of great personal charm and endowed with rare gifts of intellect. Un- der the guidance of St. Beuno, Winefride made rapid progress in virtue and learning and with her parents' consent prepared to consecrate herself to God.

The fame of her beauty and accomplishments had reached the ears of Caradoc, s(m of the neighbouring Prince .\len, who resolved to seek herh.andin marriage. Coming in person to press his suit he entered the