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 VESZPR^M

392

VETO

spoken when putting on the sacred vestments, and the words pronounced by the bishop at an ordination, when he gives the garments to the newly ordained. It should, however, be said that up to the twelfth century these prayers appear only occasionally in the Sacra- mentaries. Missals, and Pontificals, but after this they soon appeared more frequently in these books. It is a striking fact that the symbolism of these prayers often pursues its own course without regard to the interpretations of the hturgists. It was not until towards the end of the Middle Ages that a greater agreement arose between the symbolism of the liturgists and what might be called the official sym- bolism of the Church expressed in the prayers in ques- tion; this official symbolism, moreover, differed greatly at different periods and in difTerent places.

Characterization of the Symbolism. — -This is not the place to enter into the details of the many interpreta- tions which the various liturgical vestments have re- ceived and which, notwithstanding the chaff, contain much pure wheat. (For such detailed presentation cf. Braun, "Geschichte der hturg. Gewandung", pp. 701 sqq.) It must suffice here to give them a general characterization. The symbolism customary among the liturgists from the ninth to the eleventh century is a moral symbolism, that is, the liturgical vestments were made to symbolize the official and priestly vir- tues of their wearers. In the twelfth century there was added to this the ly pico-dogmatic symbolism, in which the vestments were expounded m reference to Christ Whose representative is the priest, and soon they symbolized Christ's Incarnation, the two Na- tures of Christ, the unity and relation to each other of these natures, before long the virtues of Christ, His teaching, and soon, lastly, His relations to the Church. Curious to say the vestments were not made to sym- bolize Christ's Passion and Death. This last sym- bolism, which may be called typico-representativc, first appeared in the course of the thirteenth cen- tury, and quickly became very popular, because it was the most easily expressed and consequently most easily understood by the people. The people inter- preted the vestments as symbolizing the instruments of Christ's Pas.^ion, as the cloth with which Christ's head was covered (amice), the robe put on him in mockery (alb), the fetters (cincture, maniple), etc., and the priest who was clothed with these was re- garded as tjTjifj-ing the suffering Saviour. A fourth method of inter]5retation may be called the allegorical. This method of interpretation looks upon the priest at the altar as the warrior of God, who fights with the foe of the God of the people, and regards Iiis vestments as his weapons in this spiritual struggle. The first traces of this symbolism are found in the ninth and tenth centuries, but are not seen in a developeil form until the twelfth century. However, this last method of symbolism was never very widespread. As early as the Middle Ages the moral symbolism was cus- tomary in the putting on of the vestments, and in the prayers of the ordination service. The tj-pical refer- ence to Christ was always foreign to them.

Up to the fifteenth century it was customary among the Greek liturgists to make use, almost ex- clusively, of typical symbohsra. It was not until later that they employed moral symbolisrn; this symbolism apparently arose in connexion with the prayers pronounced while putting on the vestments, a custom of prayer tliat had in the meantime come into use. In these prayers the liturgical vestments sym- bolize the virtties (if their wearers.

Mabruitt. lVs(uiriMm chrtslinnum (London. 1868); ReaUn- cuklopailie ilcr chriat. AlterHlmcr. II (FreiliurK, 1886); Thaijiofer, Haniibuch der kalh. Liturgik (Freiburg, 188,-!) ; BnArN. Die litur- ffische Gewandung im Occident und Orient (Freiburg. 1907).

Joseph Braun.

Veszprfim, Diocese op (Vesprimiensis), in Hun- gary. sutTr:ig:m of Gran, one of the sees founded about

1009 by King St. Stephen, or perhaps by Queen Gisela, his wife. Later records make no mention of a foundation by the queen. But the see owes much to the queen who caused the beautiful cathedral with its four spires to be built; it was completely destroyed by fire in 1276. Queen Gisela gave rich donations to the church, especially gold and silver plate. She also se- lected Veszpr^m as her place of burial, and her ex- ample was followed by several of the succeeding queens of Hungary. From the earhest times the bishop po.ssessed the right of crowning the queen, and was, ex officio, her chancellor. The bishopric was one of the richest episcopates in Hungary during the four- teenth century. A celebrated school offered facilities for theological studies as well as for the study of law. When, in 1270, the town was destroyed in the con- flicts between the lords of Nemetujvdr and those of Csdk, the cathedral, the school, and the library were demolished. After the battle of Mohdcs (1526) the Turks destroyed the possessions of the see; shortly afterwards, the Reformation seriously affected ec- clesiastical life. The battles, which were fought against the Turks in this part of Hungary, greatly injured the see; the ecclesiastical and religious life was ruined in spite of the endeavours of prominent bishops like Francis Forgdch, George Lippay, George Szelepcs^nyi, and George Szech^nyi. It was not until 16S6, after the fall of Turkish suzerainty in Hungary, and the conquest of Buda, that better times came. The work of reconstruction began in 1711 and was completed in the reigns of Charles III and Maria Theresa. In 1777 several districts of the diocese were taken away and incorporated in the newly-es- tablished sees of Stuhlweissenburg and of Steinaman- ger. Of the later bishops of Veszprem the following are particularly notable: Martin Bird, one of the most zealous opponents of Protestantism; Joseph Kopacsy (1825-41), afterwards Archbishop of Gran; John Ranolder (1848-75), prominent in public instruction and the education of girls. Since ISSS Baron Charles Hornig is bishop. The diocese consists of the " Komi- tate" of Veszprem, Zala, and Somogy. It is divided into 5 archdeaneries and vice-archdeaneries. It has 9 active and 19 titular abbeys; 5 active and 12 titular provostships; 226 parishes; 18 monasteries and 23 convents of women with 140 and 228 inmates, re- spectively. The chapter consists of 12 active and of 6 titular canons; the number of clergy is 358. The diocese has a Cathohc population of .about 613,477.

R6ka, VilfE Veszprimiensium Prfrsulum (Posen, 1779); Pbat, S. Specimen Hierarchim Hungariir, I, 260-307; Monumenta Romana episcopatus Veszprimiensis (.3 vols.. Budapest, 1896); LuKcaics, Bibliographia diacesis Veszprimiensis (Budape.st, 1909); A kalolikus Magyarorszig (Budapest. 1902). in Hun- garian; KollAnyi, ,4 veszpr^mi piispdk kirdlyne koromizdei Jogd- nak tGTtinete (Veszprem, 1901); Schematismus Jiffcesi's (Veszprem, 1911). On Bishop IVIartin Biro see the Hungarian work: Hor- nig. Paddnyi Bird Mdrton veszprlmi pUspOk napldja (Vespr6m, 1903).

A. AldXst.

Veto, The Royal, in the appointment of Bishops in Ireland and England. — Although the penal laws enacted against the Catholics of Ireland .and of Eng- land were still on the statute book towards the close of the eighteenth century, they were less strictly administered than before. Several causes helped to bring this about. The Catholics formed the vast majority of the population of Ireland. Their sym- patliies were thought to be with the French whom England had at that time cau.se to fear. The penal laws h.ad utterly failed of their purpose, and the Gov- ernment hoped to reach that purpose by other means. The authority of the bi.^hops and the priests, the influence of both on the people, w;is great; and the Government thought if it could direct or control the influence of the bishops it would .secure the allegiance of the people. It hoped thus to fetter the action of the Catholic Church in Ireland. The Government saw an opportunity when the College of Maynooth