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laity were excluded from participation in the govern- ment of the States of the Church. Even before the outbreak of the French Revohition of February they forced by a popular uprising the appointment in 1848 of a cabinet of laymen. On 14 March, 1S4S, Pius IX after long hesitation decided to proclaim tlie fundamental law for the temporal government of the lands of the Holy See; as in other lands two chambers were to vote upon the laws, which were to be drawn up by a council of state. But the chambers were forbidden to interfere in any way in questions purely spiritual or of a mixed character, and the College of Cardinals had the right of veto over the decision of the chambers. This proved unsatisfac- tory. Pius IX was also expected to accommodate himself to the national desires when Milan and Venice after the outbreak of the revolution in Vienna had risen against the Austrians and Piedmont was pre- paring to support the uprising. The pope too, it was thought, should draw the sword against Aus- tria.

When Pius IX in an Encyclical announced on 29 April, 1848, that he could never persuade himself to engage in a war against a Catholic power such as Austria, and that he would never assume the head- Bhip of an Italian confederation, his popularity in Liberal-National circles was wellnigh at an end. The party of those, who with Gioberti had dreamed of a unification of Italy under the pope, crumbled away. Mazzini made the demand that Rome be erected into a republic. A portion of the civic guard surrounded the Castle of S. Angelo and compelled the pope to appoint Liberal ministers. But the revolutionary repubhcans would have nothing to do with such a compromise. They became bolder than ever when King Charles Albert was defeated by Radetsky at Custozza on 24-25 July, 1848, and the monarchical national party had thereby met with complete failure. When the Liberal minister Rossi sought to reorgan- ize the States of the Church and at the same time urged on the formation of a confederation of the Itahan states, he was stabbed to death on the steps of the Palace of the Cancelleria on 15 November, 1848. On the following day the pope found himself besieged in the Quirinal. Only with difficulty could the Swiss Guards protect him from the fury of the populace. On 24 November Pius IX escaped in disguise to Gaeta in the Neapolitan Kingdom, whither King Ferdinand II had returned to take command in person. After the flight of the pope an assembl)' was elected to administer the government, the repub- lic was proclaimed at Rome on 9 February, 1849, and the temporal sovereignty declared abolished. Mazzini with his international following ruled at Rome. In Florence also the republic was proclaimed on 18 February. But reaction followed quickly. This was hastened when the Austrians in a new pas- sage of arms had defeated the Piedmontese at Mor- tara on 21 March, 1849, and at Novara on 23 March. Charles Albert thereupon resigned in favour of his son Victor Emmanuel II. The Austrians were now more powerful in Upper Italy than ever. They brought back to Florence the Grand Duke of Tuscany. Ferdinand II suppressed the revolution in Sicily. Pius IX was readily heard when he appealed to the Catholic powers for assistance against the republic. To anticipate Austria Louis Napoleon, then presi- dent of the Second Reiniblic, with the consent of the Constituent Assembly in Paris, sent a force under Oudinot into the States of the Church, where besides Mazzini many revolutionaries from other lands (including (lanbaldi) had gathered, and a triumvirate, composed of Mazzini, Aun-lio Sufli, and Carlo Ar- mellini, was administering tlie government. Oudinot's small force soon after its landing at Civitavecchia was, it is true, at first defeated before Rome. But now the Austrians also entered the States of the

Church in the north, in the south the NeapoUtans, while in Terracina Spaniards landed. Oudinot received reinforcements and began the siege of Rome. Garibaldi with .^0(X) \'(ilunteers cut his way through to continue the struggle in the Apennines. On 2 July, 1849, Oudinot entered Rome and again re- stored the temporal power of the pope. Pius IX re-entered Rome on 12 April, 1850.

Thus not only the Piedmontese and their followers, but the Republicans also had been routed, and had shown that they were unable to bring about the unity of Italy. By the miUtary power of Austria all of Italy's forces had been shattered. But the object was not abandoned. A different programme was now adopted: to proceed with foreign aid under Piedmont's leadership against the pojie. Piedmont sought to retain the sympathies of all Liberals by keeping the constitution, while the remaining governments of Italy had returned to absolutism. Pius IX, bitterly disillusioned, declared the retention of a constitution wholly incompatible with the most vital interests and the canons of the Church, as well as with the independence and freedom of the pope. Between him, the States of the Church, and Italy no efforts could bring about an understanding that was satis- factory to aU. A French garrison maintained the sovereignty of the pope at Rome, whUe the Austrians secured tranquillity in the legations. The question was: how long would the two foreign powers continue harmoniously side by side in Italy? It was answered when Napoleon III undertook to show Europe the splendour of his imperial power and to force Austria out of its position of military supremacy in Italy. The change of temper in those circles of Italy that were striving for national unification was shown in a new treatise of Gioberti, who in 1843 in his "Pri- mato " had assigned the guidance to the pope. In 1851 he published his book " Rinnovamento civile d' Italia", in which he set forth that the unification could be accomplished without Rome, and even against Rome with the aid of Piedmont. To prepare Piedmont for this role was the task of Camillo Cavour, who was made prime minister in 1852. It was also he who found for Sardinia the ally who united with it against Austria. At Plombieres, a watering-place in Lorraine, he interested Napoleon in his plans in July, 1859, and all measures down to the smallest details were here agreed upon. The Piedmontese succeeded in joining their forces with the French army, and the allies defeated the Austrians at Ma- genta and Solferino. Napoleon, however, then swiftly concluded with the Emperor Francis Joseph the Peace of Villafranca-Ziirich, by the terms of which Austria had to give up Lombardy only, not Venetia; in it provision was also made for an Italian confeder- ation, into which all ItaUan states, including Austria for Venetia, were to enter, and over which it was intended that the pope should preside. Napoleon feared the intervention of the other powers, and at the same time was eager to show consideration for the feelings of the French Catholics.

In national circles in Italy men were at first furious at the conditions of this treaty of peace. But calm soon returned when it was seen that Napoleon made no preparations to bring back the expelled petty princes, and that the pope would have nothing to do with the role assigned to him. Cavour was able to continue his efforts in behalf of his schemes by the secret path of conspiracy. At his instiga- tion apparently independent governments were established at Florence, Modena, and Bologna; in reality, however, these were directed from Turin, and were supported by England, since England did not desire a Kingdom of Italy dependent on France. In Tu.scany, in the district of Modena-f^arma, which had formed itself into the Republic of Emilia, and in the legations a vote of the inhabitants was taken,