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 SIGNATURA

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SIGN

might have restored real power to the German Em- pire. He had large ambitions, his aim was to lead a united Christendom against the power of Islam, but he lacked steadiness and perseverance. Although highly talented he was too easily carried away by Utopian schemes. He also neglected to protect the base of his power, his hereditary possessions, which were disor- ganized by bad administration and civil disorder. The first matter of importance during his reign was the Great Schism.

To Sigismund, undoubtedly, belongs the credit of bringing about the great reform Councils of Con- stance and Basle. In 1414 he went to Italy on an ex- pedition against Venice; while there he forced Pope John XXIII, who was hard-pressed by King Ladis- laus of Naples, to call a council which met at Con- stance on 1 November, 1414. For a time Sigismund was the soul of the council, and this no doubt served once more to emphasize the importance of Germany However, the interest of the emperor in the council diminished in proportion as its proceedings failed to meet his views. The sole result of the council so far as Sigismund was concerned was that he brought upon himself the hatred of his Bohemian subjects by his sacrifice of John Hus. During the course of the council Sigismund turned his efforts at reform to in- ternal pohcies, especially to the establishment of a general peace in the empire. He failed, however, in these efforts. Important consequences resulted from his granting to Frederick Hohenzollorn, Burgrave of Nuremberg, the Mark of Brandenburg in fief, lo which he added on 30 April, 141.5, the electoral dig- nity and the office of lord high chancellor. In this way Sigismund gained su{)port for himself against the independent policy of the electors. On the death of Wenceslaus (16 August, 1419), Sigismund became King of Bohemia; where, directly after the close of the Council of Constance, Hussite disorders had begun. The king sought to re-establish order by severe meas- ures, but, as this method failed, Martin V at Sigis- mund's request proclaimed a crusade. Religious and national fanaticism brought a bloody victory to Zis- ka's hordes on 1 November, 1420, at Wyschehrad, and also on 8 January, 1422, at Deutschbrod. The posi- tion of Sigismund, who was now also threatened by the Turks, was an exceedingly precarious one. The only effective aid offered him was that of Duke Al- bert V of Austria to whom Sigismund had married his only daughter Elizabeth and whom he had made the presumptive heir of the Hungarian and Bohemian crowns. The Hussite armies now threatened the neighbouring German territories. Forthwith it be- came apparent how wretched was the military organi- zation of the empire and how desperate were the di- visions among the German princes. Attempts at re- form began, but the emperor lacked the vigour to carry out these attempts. Sigismund's failure to ef- fect the needed imperial reforms was not wholly due to weakness of character; the selfish policy of the es- tates opposed insuperable obstacles to his good inten- tions. In 1424 the electors attempted to take the de- fence of the empire in their own hands. Though the coalition soon broke up, it had proclaimed the pohti- cal programme of the following decades: reform of the empire with the controlling assistance of the estates. As Sigismund was unable to enforce these reforms he could bring about the reconciliation of Bohemia by way of negotiations only; these were entrusted to the Council of Basle. Probably to emphasize before the councils his European position, Sigismund had him- self crowned King of Lombardy on 25 November, 14.31, and German emperor at Rome, 31 May, 1433. Quarrels between the moderate Calixtines and the radical Taborites helped along the negotiations. By the so-called Compact of Prague the council brought tack the Hussite movement, at least so far as essen- tials were concerned, to lines compatible with the au- ' XIII.— 50

thority of the Church. The only concession was the granting of the cup to the laity. At the Diet of Iglau in 1436 after Sigismund had recognized the Compact of Prague he was acknowledged as regent of Bohemia. After this Sigismund took no further interest in large undertakings and retired to Bohemia. When, how- ever, his reactionary measiu-es led to a fresh outbreak, in wnich his wife, Barbara of Citti, joined, he retired to Znaim where he died.

Regesta imperii, ed. Altmann, XI (Innsbruck, 1896-1900); WiNDECKER, DenkwUrdigkeiten zur Geschichte des Zeitalters Kaiser Sigmunds, ed. Altmann (Berlin, 1893) ; Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Konig Sigmund, ed. Kerler, Hesse, and Beckmann, II-XII (Gotha, 1878-86); Aschbach, Geschichte^ Kaiser Sig- munds (Hamburg, 1838—15) ; Beckmann, Der Kampf Kaiser Sigmunds gegen die werdende Weltmacht der Osmanen, 1902); Berger, Johannes Hus u. Konig Sigmund (Augsburg, 1871) ; VON Kr.\U8, Deutsche Geschichte im Ausgang des Mittelalters

(1888). Franz Kampers.

Signatura Gratiae, Justitise. See Roman Curia.

Sign of the Cross, a term applied to various man- ual acts, liturgical or devotional in character, which have this at least in common that by the gesture of tracing two lines intersecting at right angles they in- dicate symbolically the figure of Christ's cross. Most commonly and properly the words "sign of the cross" are used of the large cross traced from forehead to breast and from shoulder to shoulder, such as Catho- lics are taught to make upon themselves when they be- gin their prayers, and such also as the priest makes at the foot of the altar when he commences Mass with the words: "In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti". (At the beginning of Mass the celebrant makes the sign of the cross by placing his left hand extended under liis breast; then raising his right to his forehead, which he touches with the extremities of his fingers, he says: In nomine Patris; then, touching his breast with the same hand, he says : et Filii; touching his left and right shoulders, he says: et Spiritus Sancti; and as he joins his hands again adds: Amen.) The same sign recurs frequently during Mass, e. g. at the words "Adjutorium nostrum in nomine Domini", at the "Indulgentiam" after the Confiteor, etc., as also in the Divine Office, for example at the invocation " Deus in adjutorium nostrum intende", at the beginning of the "Magnificat", the "Benedictus", the "Nunc Dimittis", and on many other occasions. Another kind of sign of the cross is that made in the air by bishops, priests, and others in blessing persons or material objects. This cross recurs also many times in the liturgy of the Mass and in nearly all the ritual offices connected with the sacraments and sacra- mentals. A third variety is represented by the httle cross, generally made with the thumb, which the priest or deacon traces for example upon the book of the Gospels and then upon his own forehead, lips, and breast at Mass, as also that made upon the lips in the "Domine labia mea aperies" of the Office, or again upon the forehead of the infant in Baptism, and upon the various organs of sense in Extreme Unction, etc. Still another variant of the same holy sign may be recognized in the direction of the "Lay P'olks Mass Book" (thirteenth century) that the people at the end of the Gospel should trace a cross upon the bench or wall or a book and then kiss it. It was pre.scribed in some early uses that the priest ascending to the altar before the Introit should first mark a cross upon the altar-cloth and then should kiss the cross so traced. Moreover it would seem that the custom, prevalent in Spain and some other countries, according to which a man, after making the sign of the cross in the ordinary way, apparently kisses his thumb, has a similar origin. The thumb laid across the forefinger forms an image of the cross to which the lips are devoutly i)r('ssed.

Of all the above methods of venerating this lif(>-giv- ing symbol and adopting it as an emblem, tlie marking of a little, cross seems to be most ancient. We have positive evidence in the early Fathers that such a prao-