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 PRUSSIA

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PRUSSIA

important places in it were given to men from the old Prussian pro\-inces. On 9 Nov., 1S4S, the National Assembly was adjourned and removed from Berlin. Martial law was proclaimed in the city. On 5 Dec. the National Assembly was dissolved, and a constitu- tion was published on the king's sole authority. Nearly all the Liberal demands of the National Assem- bly were granted in it, and the upper and lower houses of parliament pro\-ided for. Much was done to meet the demand of the CathoUcs for the complete Uberty of the Church. After the failure of the Rhenish Liberal Government, the king hoped for support from the Catholics of the western proWnces, and this was at first given. La order to satisfy public opinion a series of laws, intended to meet Liberal wishes, was promulgated in the course of the next few weeks. In accordance with the recently imposed constitution, a new chamber of deputies was immediately elected and opened 26 Feb., 1849, in order that it might express its opinion on the Constitution. However it came to no agreement with the Government. The three-class system of election, which is still in force, was now introduced for elections to the second chamber. In each election district all voters who pay taxes are di\'ided into three classes, so that one-third of the taxes is paid by each class; each class elects the same number of electors, and these electors elect the dep- uties. Upon this the Radicals abstained from voting. The Conservatives were in the majority in the new chamber. The re%'ision of the Constitution could now be proceeded with, and it was proclaimed on 31 Jan., 1850. According to its provisions Prussia was to be a constitutional kingdom with a diet of two chambers; great power was left to the Crown, which was moreover favoured by obscurities and omissions in the docu- ment. After the convulsions of 1848 Prussia had much need of rest. During this year the course of the Ger- man national movement had, however, excited the hopes of the king that Germany would acquire the unity which even he desired to see, and that Prussia would, as a result of this unity, be the leader of the German national armies, or perhaps control the new state.

The Liberals were estranged from the king in the autumn of 1848, and the wish was frankly expressed, if not fulfilled, that the future constitution of Germany should be decided in agreement with Austria, and if possible in agreement with all other German princes. These difficulties led the king to decline the German imperial crown when it was offered to him by the Frankfort assembly in April, 1848. He would not accept it from a parliament claiming its power from the sovereignty of the people. Soon after this, in- fluenced by General Radonitz, he himself decided to open new negotiations on the question of German unity. The intention was that Prussia should unite with other German states that were ready to join in a confederation called the ''union", and that the union should adopt a constitution and have a diet. This confederation was to form a further indissoluble union with Austria, by which each should bind itself to assist the other in defending its territories. As Prussia had aided the principahties of central Germany to suppress internal revolts in the spring of 1849, these coimtries did not at first venture to disagree with Prussia, as appears from the agreement of 26 May with Saxony and Hanover, called the "union of the three kings". Nearly all the smaller principalities joined also. Bavaria, however, refused to enter the union, and Austria worked against this plan. In the summer of 1849 .\ustria proposed to the Pi-ussian Government that the two powers should re\'ive the old German Confederation which had been cast aside the j-ear before, and should henceforth lead it in com- mon ("Interim". 30 Sept., 1849). Russia, which had generally supported Prussia, now upheld Austria. Nevertheless the king, although much opposed by XII.— 34

members of his Government, persisted in his scheme of a imion. The constitution planned for the union was laid before a diet of the principalities belonging to the union, summoned to meet at Erfurt.

The Diet in session from 20 March to 29 April, 1850, accepted the Constitution. LTpon this Aus- tria encouraged the states of central German}- to form a confederation among themselves to which neither Prussia nor Austria should belong. This con- federation was to act as a counterbalance to Prussia, and at the same time was a menace to the Prussian supremacy in the Zollverein. In the autumn of 1850 war between the two parties seemed unavoidable. Russia, however, not wishing an open ruptm-e. urged both sides to mutual concessions. Prussia now finally gave up its scheme of the "union", and prom- ised to re-enter the federal diet (Agreement of Olmiitz, 29 Nov., 1850; further conferences, Jan. to April, 1851). The dispute between the two powers as to which should control the Zollverein continued for two years longer. The ability of Prussia to accomphsh the difficult task of defeating the attacks of Austria was probably due to the expert knowledge and clearness of the chief representative of its economic poUcy, Rudolf von Delbriick, and to the fact that Hanover joined the ZoUrerein in .Sept., 1851. Still, concessions had to be made to Austria in the Treaty of 19 Feb., 1853, which crippled the Zollverein until 1865. In all questions of foreign politics the relations between Prussia and Austria remained su.spicious and cool. Pru.ssia felt that the dispute had resulted in a painful weakening of its European position. The damage was further increased by the irresolute policy of the king during the Crimean War, which caused England to tr\' to exclude Prussia from the congress at Paris in 1856. A small group of Prussian politicians, especially Bismarck, began to urge an aggressive policy and the seeking of support from Napoleon III for such a poUcy, but neither Frederick WiUiam IV nor his brother William who succeeded him would listen to the suggestion.

As regards the internal condition of the countr\% after the close of the revolutionarj- movements the Conser%'atives obtained a large majority in both houses of the Pmssian Diet. The more determined members of the Conser\'ative party in the diet de- manded a complete restoration of conditions existing before the revolution. They were supported in these demands by the camarilla which had been active at the court since 30 March, 1848, and among the mem- bers of which were the brothers Leopold and Ludwig von Gerlach. Among the measures desired by the Conser\-atives were: abandomnent of the German national policy; limitations of Prussian policy to northern Germany; closer connexion with England; the adoption of free trade as an economic pohcy; restoration of judicial and pohce power on their estates to the nobility; alteration of the Constitution of 1850; and restoration of the Protestant character of the countn.-. Otto von Manteuffel, who had been minister-president since Nov., 1850, was able to de- feat the most extreme demands. His chief effort was to suppress all parties as much as possible, and to make the Government official body once more the great power in the State. L'p to 1854 there were bitter disputes as to the constitution of the upper house of the diet. At last it was agreed that it should be com- posed partly of representatives of the great estates, partly of representatives of the large cities and univer- sities, and partly of members independent ly appointed by the king. The bureaucratic administration estab- lished by Manteuffel led to many arbitrary acts by the police, who were under the superWsion of Minister of the Interior von Westphalen; the result was much bitterness among the people. Von der Heydt, Minis- ter of Commerce, pursued a sensible policy, declining to favour concentration of capital, and protecting the