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 PRUSSIA

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PRUSSIA

It thereby simplified its administration of the cus- toms, and made business easier for its subjects, but the law fell heavily on the provinces belonging to other German states that were surrounded by Prus- sian territory, and gradually effected the states of middle and southern Germany, whose traffic with the North Sea and the Baltic had to be carried on across Prussian territory. After violent disputes a Zoll- verein (customs union) was gradually formed; the first to join with Prussia in such a union were the smaller states of Northern Germany, beginning with Sondershausen in 1819; in 1828 Hesse-Darmstadt; in 1831 Electoral Hesse; from 1 Jan., 1834, the kingdoms of Southern Germany, Saxony, and the customs and commercial union of the Thuringian States. By the beginning of 1836 Baden, Nassau, and Frankfort had also joined. With the exception of the non-Prussian north-western districts, besides Mecklenburg and the Hanseatic cities, all non-Aus- trian Germany was now economically under Prussian hegemony. The different states joined the Zoll- verein by terminable agreements. Each of the larger states retained its own customs administra- tion; changes in the Zollverein could only be made by a unanimous vote. These states simply agreed in their economic policy and in the administration of the customs. They did not form a unified Germany from an economic point of view. The men who deserve the chief credit for the establishment of the Zollverein are Motz (d. 1830) and his successor Nassen. From the first, Prussia was determined that Austria should not be admitted as a member of the new customs union. Politically this union did not bring its members into closer alliance, but it was prob- ably the cause of a great increase of their economic prosperity. The greatest benefit from it was gained by the Prussian Rhenish provinces. Consequently the trading element of the Rhineland, generally Liberal in politics, gradually grew friendly to the Prussian Government; it hoped to be able to dictate Prussia's economic policy in the course of time. The result was that political conditions within the country improved. In all its other relations to the newly- acquired provinces the State had been forced to give way (e. g. the continued existence of the "Code civile") or would have to in the future (e. g. in its ecclesiastical pohcy). Now the Rhenish provinces began to divide politically. The State was further- more consolidated by gaining the sympathetic sup- port of the teachers and professors as an after effect of the patriotic movement in the War of Liberation and partly owing to its energy in the cause of educa- tion. The Prussian political system, of meddling with everjihing, perhaps justified by necessity, was at this time philosophically defended and glorified by the philosopher Hegel.

V. Frederick William IV (1840-61) in his youth had enthusiastically taken part in the War of Libera- tion, and afterwards in all the efforts for the reor- ganization of the State. His character was inconsis- tent; while a man of ability, he was subject to the influence of others. Soon after his accession he conciliated the Catholics (JohannGeissel as coadjutor of Cologne; establishment of a Catholic department in the Alinistry of Worship and Education). Al- though personally a Conservative, he appointed some moderate Liberals to places of prominence. He first called forth opposition among the doctrinaire and radical elements of the eastern provinces by con- demning their ideas of popular sovereignty and popu- lar representation on the occasion of his coronation at Konigsberg. In accordance with Stein's original

Elan he intended to give to Prussia a legislature chosen y the .several provincial diets. Too much time was spent in discu.ssion without coming to any decision. In the meantime the western pro\'inccs also joined the movement for more liberal institutions, largely

as a consequence of the debates in the provincial diet of the Rhine, in 1845. The restlessness was increased by economic distress, especially among the weavers of Silesia, by contradictory ordinances issued by the Government, and by the discovery of a national Polish conspiracy in the pro^dnce of Posen. Finally in Feb., 1847, the king summoned to Berlin a "first united diet", composed of all the provincial diets. The authority of the united diets was to be small, its future sittings were to depend on the pleasure of the king. The more liberal element of the eastern provinces wished to reject this diet as in- sufficient. The more pohtic liberals of the western provinces, however, gained the victory for the new diet, for they hoped in this way to attain to power in the State. The united diet was opened 11 April, 1847. Passionate differences of opinion showed themselves in the debates over the wording of an address to the king, in which, although moderately expressed, the demand for such a "national parlia- ment" as had been promised in 1815 was put forth. Motions made in favour of the granting of a national parliament, and finally the refusal of the diet to take decisive action on a proposed railroad loan, so an- gered the king that he closed the sessions of the diet towards the end of June. Throughout the country the movement to obtain a parliamentary chamber directly elected by the people was kept up.

When in March, 1848, there was danger that the revolution would break out in Prussia, on 7 March the king made the concession that the united diet should meet every fourth year. On 14 March he summoned the second united diet to meet at the end of April, but he was not willing to concede the elec- tion by the people and a written constitution. On 15 March barricades were built in the streets of Berlin. On the evening of 17 March the king de- cided to grant a constitution, to set the date of the assembling of the second united diet for 2 April, and to take part in the movement for forming a German national state. Notwithstanding the an- nouncement of this decision, bloody fighting broke out in the streets of Berlin 18 March. The next day the king withdrew the troops who were con- fronting those in revolt. In Posen the Poles gained control of the Government, while the Rhine province threatened to separate from Prussia and to become the first province of the future united Germany. On 20 March Frederick William announced that Prussia would devote its entire strength to the move- ment for a united Germany, and to maintaining the rights of Germany in Schleswig and Holstein by war with Denmark. At the end of the month the king entrusted the Government to the Rhenish Liberals. The brief session of the second united diet had for a time a quieting effect, the Radical element predom- inated in the Prussian National Assembly which opened 22 May, and the king's ministers, chosen from the Rhenish Liberals, were not able to keep it in check. During the summer the Conservative element, especially that of the old Prussian provinces, bestirred itself and held the "Junker Parliament"; founded the "Kreuzzeitung", and won influence over the masses by appealing to the sentiments of Prussian particularism and loyalty to the king. When the Radicals favoured street riots, sought to place the army under the control of parliament, and resolved upon the abolition of the nobility, of kingship by the grace of God, and demanded that the Government should support the revolutionary party in Vienna, the king dismissed his Rhenish ministers. In the German movement also they had, in his opinion, failed. The war in Schleswig-Holstein had brought Prussia into a dangerous European position (Armistice of Malmo, 26 Aug., 1848).

The king now commissioned Count Brandenburg on 2 Nov. to form a Conservative ministry. The most