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population will never exceed subsistence. This was likewise the position of Henry George, whose attack upon the theory of Malthus is probably more familiar to Americans than that of any other writer (cf. Progress and Poverty). Carey, whose father, Matthew Carej-, the Philadelphia publisher, was a Catholic, based his view partly upon his belief in Providence, and partly upon the assumption that in every country the richest lands and land powers re- main undeveloped longest; List pointed out that thickly-populated lands are frequently more pros- perous than those with relatively few inliabitants, and that we have no good reason to set limits to the capacity of the earth, which could undoubtedly support many times its present population; and Bastiat, who had already observed the artificial re- striction of the birth-rate in his own country, seems to have concluded that the same thing would happen in other countries whenever subsistence tended to fall below the existing standards of living. Al- though there is some exaggeration and uncertainty in all these positions, they are undoubtedly nearer the truth than the assumptions of Malthus.

What may be called the evolutionist theory of population was originated and incompletely stated by Charles Darwin, and developed by Herbert Spencer. In the latter form it has been adopted substantially by many biologists and sociologists. Although it was a chance reading of Malthus's work that suggested to Darwin the idea of the struggle for existence, the Spencerian theory of population is on the whole opposed to the Malthusian. According to Spencer, the process of natural selection, which involves the destruction of a large proportion of the lower organisms, increases individuaUty and de- creases fecundity in the more developed species, especially in man. At length, population becomes automatically adjusted to subsistence at that level which is consonant with the highest progress. With regard to the future, tliis theory is extremely opti- mistic, but it is not more probable or any more capable of proof than his prophecy concerning the future identification of egoism and akruism.

On the basis of painstaking research and abundant statistics, M. Arsene Dumont concluded that Malthu- sianism is theoretically false and practically worth- less, and that the only valuable generahzations about the relation of population to subsistence are those which concern a particular country, epoch, civiliza- tion, or form of society (cf. Nitti, op. cit.). In a democratic society, he says, the real danger is ex- cessive limitation of the birth-rate by all classes, even the lowest. \\Tien privileged classes and so- cial stratifications have disappeared, the members of every class strive to raise themselves above their present condition by restricting the number of their offspring. So far as it goes, this theory is a correct explanation of certain existing tendencies, but, as Father Peseh observes in reply to P. Leroy-Beaulieu, the true remedy for the French conditions is not monarchy but the Christian religion and moral teaching (op. cit., II, 639).

The theory of Nitti has a considerable similarity to that of Spencer, but the Italian sociologist expects the deliberate action of man, rather than any decrease in human fecundity, to conform population to sub- sistence in any society in which wealth is justly distributed, individuality strongly developed, and individual activity maintained at a high level of efficiency (op. cit.). He repudiates, however, the ego- tistic and socially demoralizing "prudence" which is so generally practised to-day for the limitation of the size of families. Nevertheless, it is utterly unlikely that the sane regulation which he desires will be obtained without the active and universal influence of religion. With this condition added, his theory seems to be the most reasonable of all

those considered in this article, and does not greatly differ from that of the Catholic economists.

The latter, as we have already noted, reject the Malthusian theory and the interpretation of social facts upon which it is founded. Taking as typical the views of Devas in England, Antoine in France, Perin in Belgium, Liberatore in Italy, and Pesch in Germany (see works cited below) we may describe their views in the following terms. ^^'h(M■e jiroduc- tion is effectively organized, and wealth ju.stly dis- tributed; where the morals of the peoi)Ic rentier them industrious, frugal, averse to debilitating comforts, and willing to refrain from all immoral practices in the conjugal relation; where a considerable pro- portion of the people embrace the condition of re- ligious celibacy, others live chastely and yet defer marriage for a longer or shorter period, and many emigrate whenever the population of any region be- comes congested — undue pressure of population upon subsistence will never occur except locally and temporarily. Probably this is as comprehensive, and at the same time as correct a generalization as can be formulated. It may be reduced to the sum- mary statement of Father Pesch: "Where the quality of a people is safeguarded, there need be no fear for its quantity" (op. cit., II, 024). Take care of the quality, says the learned Jesuit, and the quan- tity will take care of itself. Be anxious about the quantity, say the Malthusians and all the advocates of the small family, lest the quality deteriorate. It is less than eighty years since Malthus died, and a considerably shorter time has elapsed since the restriction of births became in any sense general; yet the number is rapidly increasing everj'where of thoughtful men who see that the Western world is confronted by "a problem not of excessive fecundity, but of race suicide" (Seligman, "Principles of Economics", 65).

Malthus, An Essay on the Principle of Population (London, 1S26); Nitti, Population and the Social System (tr. London, 1894); Ingram, A History of Political Economy (New York, 1S94); Devas, Political Economy (London, 1901); Hadlet, Economics (New York, 1S9S); Seligman, Principles of Economics (New York. 1905) ; Liberatore, Principles of Political Economy (tr. London, 1891); Antoine, Cours d'economie sociale (Paris, 1899); Perin, Premiers principes d'economie politique (Paris, 1896); Pesch, Lehrbuch der Nationalokonomie (Freiburg, 1909); F.\HLBECK, Keomalthusianismus in Zeitschrift fur Sozialwisseti' schafl. VI (1903).

John A. Rtan.

Pordenone, Giovanni Antonio, Italian painter, b. at Pordenone, 14S3; d. at Ferrara, January, 1539. He is occasionally referred to by his family name Licinio, at times ;is Regillo, but usually as Pordenone, from his birthplace, and by that name some of his works are signed. He is believed to have been a pupil of Pellegrino da San Daniello. Most of the informa- tion respecting him is derived from Carlo Ridolfi, who states that Pordenone' s first commission was given him by a grocer in his native town, to try his boast that he could paint a picture as the priest commenced High Mass, and complete it by the time Mass was over. He is said to have executed the given com- mission in the required time. Most of his early work is to be found in the form of fresco decoration in the churches around Pordenone, where he spent most of his time. There he married twice. His work was in great demand in Mantua, Cremona, Treviso, and Spilimbergo, where his rich and elaborate fresco work, as well as decorations for the fronts of organs, and altar-pieces, are found. About 1529 he went to Venice, but little of his work remains in that city, save the two panels representing St. Christopher and St. Martin in the church of Saint Rocco. He then jour- neyed to Piacenza, Genoa, Ferrara, and other places, doing fresco decoration, and receiving warm welcome at each place. Returning to his native city, he re- ceived the honour of knighthood from King John of Hungary, and from that time was frequently styled