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624 foreigners; and the latter accuses the former of wanting to overthrow the constitution and to establish a republic. Well, gentlemen, hurl one and the same anathema against a republic and the two chambers. Devote them to general execration by a last and irrevocable oath. Let us swear to have but one spirit—one sentiment. Let us swear everlasting fraternity. Let the enemy know that what we will, we all will, and the country is saved!"

The effect was instantaneous. All rose up with loud acclamations, swore destruction to any project for changing the constitution, either by two chambers or a republic, and concluded by throwing themselves into each other's arms. Those who attacked and those who defended La Fayette, the veto, the civil list, the factions and the traitors, were all embracing each other. All distinctions ceased; Pastoret and Cordorcet, who, the day before, were loading one another with abuse in the public papers, were seen locked in each other's arms; right and left were annihilated; Dumas was beside Basire, Jaucourt next to Merlin, Thomond to Chabot. Theirs asks, "Could this be a piece of hypocritical acting?" And he replies, "No, certainly not." We, too, say, "No, certainly not;" it is merely another ebullition of French sentiment, as sudden as a flash of lightning, and as evanescent. The same evening, the assembly was informed that the department had suspended Petion and Manuel. Petion, undoubtedly, deserved suspension as well as Manuel. He might certainly have prevented the commotion of the 20th of June, as he afterwards prevented others; but the moment was inauspicious to suspend these magistrates. The reconciliation of the morning was at once at an end. All the passions of the different parties were instantly revived. The king referred the sanction of this suspension to the assembly; the assembly referred it back. The reconciliation was forgotten; petitions poured in demanding the liberation of Petion or death! Grangeneuve, a deputy, who had been insulted demanded the punishment of the perpetrator of the outrage. Brissot, whilst professing regard for the reconciliation, called for the discussion of the question of the forfeiture of the crown. Notwithstanding this, the assembly decreed that all the administrative bodies of Paris, and all the judicial bodies, should be summoned to the bar, to hear of the reconciliation, and to publish it to the citizens. A deputation was dispatched to the Tulileries to inform the king. It returned, saying, the king would come in person to offer his congratulations. The king soon after arrived, attended by all his ministers. He was received with cries of "Vive le Roi!"—it was for the last time. He described what happiness it gave him, and the president replied that it would crush the tyrants that were coalescing against France; and then Louis, who would have dreaded that of all things, had he believed it, returned, amid fresh cries of "Vive le Roi!" and that was the last act of the farce of reconciliation. That evening the assembly was deafened by the cries of raging crowds who surrounded the house, demanding Petion, and that the president of the directory, who had suspended him, should be sent to Orleans. This ludicrous reconciliation, which scarcely lasted till the members quitted their seats, that day became known as Lamourette's kiss of peace, or Judas's kiss. The jacobins that evening attacked the reconciliation with their accustomed vigour of animosity. Billaud-Varennes said it reminded him of Nero embracing Germanicus, and Charles IX. giving his hand to Coligny before having him assassinated.

Brissot, on the morrow, denounced ministers in a most murderous speech; and the next day, the 10th of July, the ministers resigned, their lives having been threatened by the mobs who surrounded the assembly. The jacobins and Girondists received the news with thunders of applause; and the next day, the 11th, the assembly pronounced the Country in Danger, and issued an address to the nation, declaring itself in permanent session, calling on all municipal bodies and civil authorities to place themselves in permanent session, and ordered the whole people to arms, to resist the tyrants who were invading the tyrants who were invading the country. Such were the instant results of this so-called reconciliation!

Like all bursts of French sentiment, it was immediately followed by fresh proofs of French atrocity. Bazire, in the assembly, demanded that all the juges-de-paix should be dismissed as aristocrats and royalists in disguise. The federates, whom the late minister had forbidden to approach the capital, were now marching up from all quarters, in spite of this prohibition, and the jacobins and Girondists were encouraging them to come. Various deputations from these federates announced themselves to the assembly, and, being admitted, harangued that body in a most republican style. On the 12th, whilst the assembly was arranging the programme of the grand anniversary of the fete of the 14th of July in the Champ de Mars, it was interrupted by several such deputations. One was from Marseilles, and an address from the council-general of that city was read, calling for the immediate dethronement of the king and for the abolition of royalty for ever. This had no doubt been drawn up by Barbaroux, and, probably, under the dictation of madame Roland. The constitutional members reprobated the sentiments of this address as most detestable, and in open contradiction to the solemn resolution passed on the Lamourette reconciliation, that no alteration should be made in the constitution. This was clamoured down by the galleries and by the deputations. It was a plain fact that the assembly, as well as the king, were in base slavery to the mob, which was rushing on to some terrible catastrophe. The president reminded the galleries that they had no right to express approbation or disapprobation, but all in vain.