Page:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 4.djvu/491

1714] an invasion. "I have indeed," he continued, "particular reasons to express my astonishment and my own uneasiness. I feel my breast fired with the warmest gratitude to a gracious and royal master, whom I have so long served; my heart overflows with zeal for his honour, and ardour for the lasting security of his illustrious house. But, my lords, the danger is common; an invasion equally involves all our happiness, all our hopes, and all our fortunes. It cannot be thought consistent with the wisdom of your lordships to be employed in determining private property when the security of the whole kingdom demands your attention; when it is not known that at this instant the enemy has not set foot on our coast, is ravaging our country with fire and sword, and threatening us with no less than extirpation and servitude."

Walpole never presented so noble and patriotic a figure in the whole long and remarkable career of statesmanship. This speech had an instantaneous effect on the whole house. The prince of Wales, forgetting his deep enmity of many years, quitted his seat, and, taking Walpole by the hand, expressed his gratitude. He declared that had not lord Orford come to town, the foreign troops would have been lost, and the country left exposed to the most imminent danger. Not another word was said, even by the opposition, about the Hanoverian troops; all joined to ward off the common danger. Pitt, who had been so noted, led the way, and voted for measures of defence. The duke of Marlborough, notwithstanding his recent resignation, hastened up to London to move a loyal address in the peers. The earl of Stair forgot in an instant all his complaints, and offered his services in any station; and his offer was met in a corresponding spirit — he was immediately again appointed commander-in-chief. The Jacobites, who were expecting a speedy demonstration of their party, had the sense to avoid any open opposition in parliament, and, in consequence, the supplies were promptly voted. The extraordinary sum of ten millions of pounds was granted for the year, including the subsidies of three hundred thousand pounds to Austria, and two hundred thousand pounds to Sardinia.

Lord Orford, having rendered so great a service to his country, retired again to Houghton, oppressed with disease and anxiety for the fate of the nation. The Habeas Corpus Act was suspended for two months. A bill was brought in by the opposition, providing that the penalties for correspondence with the pretender should be extended to correspondence with his children; and on reaching the peers two additional clauses were added on the lord chancellor's motion — one to attaint the sons of the pretender in case of their attempting to land, and the other to extend the penalties of the act to the posterity of those who should be convicted under it, during the lifetime of both the young pretenders. Both of these clauses passed, the first unanimously, the second not without strong opposition, especially from the duke of Bedford and lord Chesterfield in the peers, and from Pitt and lord Strange in the commons. The magistrates of Edinburgh offered themselves six thousand pounds for the apprehension of the pretender or his eldest son.

A proclamation was issued, enforcing the laws against papists and non-jurors. Lord Barrymore and colonel Cecil were arrested and examined, but they were soon again released. Troops were sent by forced marches to the southern coast, and an express dispatch to Holland for the six thousand auxiliaries stipulated for by treaty. Loyal addresses poured in from all quarters, but not so the more essential requisite of men. Only seven thousand Englishmen could be assembled in arms for the defence of the capital and the neighbouring counties. On the other hand, the preparations of the Jacobites were never more extensive and complete. A modern historian asserts that the fate of England at this juncture "hung suspended on the winds and waves." Fortunately it depended on a higher Power, whom the winds and the waves obey. And as it was said of the Spanish Armada, so of these dangers —.

Preparations had been making for the invasion of this country for some years. The Scottish Jacobites, disregarding the miserable failure of 1715, had in 1740 entered into an association to promote the return of the Stuarts. Amongst these were the notorious Simon Frazer, called lord Lovat, lord James Drummond, titular duke of Perth, lord Traquair, lord John Drummond, uncle to the duke of Perth, John Stuart, brother to lord Traquair, Sir John Campbell of Auchinbrech, Cameron of Lochiel, Drummond of Bohaldie, and others. This act of association, together with the names of such Highland chiefs as they thought would join the standard of the pretender if accompanied by a French force, was sent by Bohaldie to James, who approved of the proceeding, and sent Drummond of Bohaldie with the papers to cardinal Fleury, urging him to furnish the required aid. Fleury was averse to the enterprise, but two years after, the war on the continent having broken out, and England being active in assisting Austria against France and her allies, the French court showed a decided disposition to undertake it as a means of checking English interference in Germany. Bohaldie was then sent to the Scottish Jacobites, to assure them that if they could satisfy France that the Jacobites of England were as ready as themselves for a demonstration, she would send over thirteen thousand men, three thousand to be landed in Scotland, and ten thousand in England near London, under Marshal Saxe, a natural son of the late Augustus, king of Poland, and one of the best officers in the French service. With him prince Charles, the pretender's eldest son, was to come. Drummond held communication with the noblemen and gentlemen already named, who, joined by others, now styled themselves "The Concert of Gentlemen for managing the king's affairs in Scotland." From them he received the strongest assurances of the support of the scheme on this side of the water; but it does not appear that the English Jacobites were as ready to commit themselves as the Scotch, and nothing came of it during Fleury's life. After his death, however, cardinal Tencin, having come into power, appeared more earnest in the matter. His agents, and those of the Scotch Jacobites, were travelling to and fro betwixt this country, France, and Rome, to hasten the crisis. Tencin sent Murray of Broughton to James in Rome, to desire him to send his eldest son, prince Charles, to France to be in readiness for the campaign of England. The old pretender, who had grown cautious with years,