Page:Cassell's Illustrated History of England vol 4.djvu/343

A.D. 1715.] Immediately after Stanhope's return, Cobham remaining minister at Vienna, early in January, 1715, the ministers met in council, and agreed to issue two proclamations, one dissolving parliament, and the other calling a new one. In the proclamation calling a new parliament, the whigs did not restrain themselves within constitutional limits, but, instead of leaving the electors to the free exercise of public opinion, endeavoured to serve the ends of their party by severely reflecting on the conduct of the late government, and called upon the electors to have especial regard to such candidates as showed a firmness to the protestant succession. As was to be expected, there were considerable exhibitions of the rancour of factions in the elections. There were here and there riots and disturbances, and at Cambridge the undergraduates took a very active part. "A right trusty body of passively obedient Johnians were mounted upon their college leads, under which the members were to pass, with a good store of brickbats to discharge on their heads."

The elections went, however, vastly in favour of the whigs. The hopes of advantage from a new monarch made their usual conversions. In the house of commons of 1710 there was a very large majority of whigs; in that of 1713 as great a one of tories; and now again there was as large a one of whigs. In the lords the spectacle was the same. Bollngbroke says, "I saw several lords concur to condemn, in one general vote, all that they had approved of in a former parliament by many particular resolutions."

In the commons, Mr. Spencer Compton, the ministerial nominee, was elected speaker. On the 21st the king opened the parliament in person, but, being unable to speak English, he handed his speech to the chancellor Cowper to read. In the speech the king thanked his faithful and loving subjects for the zeal and firmness which they had shown in defence of the protestant succession. He expressed his regret to find that some of the conditions of the peace had not yet been fulfilled; that it was essential to the trade of the country that they should be duly executed, and equally essential to the honour and security of the nation that alliances should be entered into to guarantee the present treaties. He observed that the pretender boasted of the assistance he expected from England, but trusted that he would be disappointed. He declared his astonishment to find the public debt so much increased since the peace of Utrecht, and the more so, because some branches of the revenue set apart for the civil government had become so much encumbered, that the income granted him would not be sufficient to maintain him in the honour and dignity requisite for the head of such a nation, especially as he had a son, the prince of Wales, who had several children, that some expenditure would be increased beyond what the civil list had lately borne, but that he confided in their affection for providing what was necessary. He assured them that the established constitution in church and state should be the rule of his government, and the happiness of the people the chief care of his life.

In both houses warm debates arose on the addresses. That in the lords was moved by the duke of Bolton, who used the words in it "to recover the reputation of this kingdom." Bolingbroke boldly proposed, in a splendid speech—his last in parliament—that the word "recover" should be changed for "maintain;" but the original address was carried by a majority of sixty-six to thirty-three. It was on this occasion that Bolingbroke saw with indignation his old supporters so rapidly wheeling round to the other side.

In the commons the address condemned in strong language the shameful peace which had been made after a war carried on at such vast expense, and attended with such unparalleled successes; but expressed a hope that, as this dishonour could not with justice be imputed to the nation, through his majesty s wisdom and the faithful endeavours of the commons, the reputation of the kingdom might in due time be vindicated and restored. The speech having alluded to the pretender, the address, which was moved by Walpole, went on to say that "It is with just resentment we observe that the pretender still resides in Lorraine, and that he has the presumption, by declarations from thence, to stir up your majesty's subjects to rebellion. But that which raises the utmost indignation of your commons is, that it appears therein that his hopes were built upon the measures that had been taken for some time past in Great Britain. It shall be our business to trace out those measures whereon he placed his hopes, and to bring the authors of them to condign punishment."

This was the first direct announcement of the ministers' intention to call their predecessors to account, and secretary Stanhope, in the course of the debate, confirmed it, observing that it had been industriously circulated that the present ministers never designed to bring the late ministers to trial, but only to pass a general censure on them; but he assured the house that, though active endeavours had been used to prevent a discovery of the late treasonable proceedings, by conveying away papers from the secretaries' offices, yet government had sufficient evidence to enable them to bring to justice the most corrupt ministry that ever sate at the helm; and that it would appear that a certain English general had acted in concert with, if not received orders from, marshal Villars.

The tories endeavoured to oppose the address, as reflecting on the memory of the queen, but the whigs replied that nothing was farther from their intentions; on the contrary, they desired to vindicate her memory by exposing and punishing those evil counsellors who deluded her into pernicious measures, and now sought to excuse themselves by throwing on the good, pious, and well-meaning princess all the blame and odium of their evil counsels. The address was carried by a majority of two hundred and forty-four to one hundred and thirty-eight.

It was now clear that the ministers meant to impeach Oxford, Bolingbroke, and Ormonde, the general alluded to Oxford acted with his usual sluggish impassiveness; he awaited quietly the event. Bolngbroke affected to despise the menaced attack, and declared in conversation that he found that he could be unfortunate without being unhappy. Swift even affected to congratulate him on his fall, writing to him thus:—"I hope your lordship, who was always kind to me while you were a servant, will not forget me now in your greatness. I give you this caution, because I verily believe you will be apt to be exalted in your new station of retirement, which was the only honourable part that those who gave it you were capable of conferring." But this was all bravado. The treason of that man was too enormous to leave him at